For Journalist if you mean improving the project with copy-paste then we will just spam to make. I'm searching for some attractive ideas that could bring members to the project, making a monthly contest or something like that, idk. Devil Harmony already have that section "Weekly Songs", can you bring me others interesting ideas ? and please describe them in details to understand your point well. For VGame Reviewers share with us keyboards, mouses? please describe your idea in details, i don't get it.

A new ABC News / Washington Post poll from Minnesota finds Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden with a 57% to 41% lead over President Donald Trump among likely voters. Two other Minnesota polls released over the last few weeks by CBS News / YouGov and New York Times / Siena College have Biden up by nine points. What's the point: The Trump campaign has made a significant investment into turning Minnesota red, after Trump lost it by 1.5 points in 2016. The polling shows his efforts are not working. They are part of a larger sign suggesting that Trump still has a ways to go to win not just in Minnesota but over the electoral map at-large. If his campaign was truly competitive at this point, he'd likely be closer in Minnesota. One day Trump may get there, and he definitely has a shot of winning with still over a month to go in the campaign. Yet, it should also be pointed out that despite folks like me usually focusing on how Trump can close the gap with Biden and put new states into play, there's another side to this equation. There is also the distinct possibility that Biden blows Trump out. It's something I've noted before, and the Washington Post's David Byler pointed out a few weeks ago. If you were to look at the polling right now, there's a pretty clear picture. Biden has leads of somewhere between five and eight points in a number of states Trump won four years ago: Arizona, Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin. Those plus the states Hillary Clinton won get Biden to about 290 electoral votes. If you add on the other states where Biden has at least a nominal edge in the averages (Florida and North Carolina), Biden is above 330 electoral votes. View 2020 presidential election polling That's not quite at blowout levels, but look at the polling in places like Georgia, Iowa, Ohio and Texas. We're not really talking about those places right now, even though one or both campaigns have fairly major advertising investments planned down the stretch in all four. The polling there has been fairly limited, but it's been pretty consistent. Biden is quite competitive. If you were to do an aggregation of the polls that are available in those states, Biden's down maybe a point or two at most. In other words, Biden's much closer to leading in Georgia, Iowa, Ohio and Texas than Trump is in Arizona, Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, let alone Minnesota. Indeed, it's quite possible he's actually up in either Georgia, Iowa, Ohio or Texas, and we just don't know it because there isn't enough fresh data. For example, Clinton only lost in Georgia by five points in 2016, and Biden's doing about five points better in the national polls than she did in the final vote. It would make sense, therefore, that Biden's quite close to Trump there at this point. Wins in any of those states by Biden could push his Electoral College tally up to about 340 electoral votes or higher, depending on which states Biden wins. Victories in all four would push him well over 400 electoral votes. Models such as those produced by FiveThirtyEight show just how possible it is for Biden to blow Trump out of the water. The model actually anticipates a better chance of Trump closing his deficit than Biden expanding it. Even so, Biden has a better chance (about 45%) of winning 340 electoral votes than Trump has of winning the election (about 25%). Biden's chance of taking 400 electoral votes is pretty much the same of Trump winning. Of course, the ramifications of a Biden blowout versus a small Biden win aren't anywhere close to being the same as a small Biden win versus a small Trump win. It's easy to understand why the focus of a potential error is on Trump benefiting from it. In 2012, however, we saw the leading candidate (Barack Obama) win pretty much all of the close states. In fact, there's no reason to think that any polling error at the end of the campaign won't benefit the candidate who is already ahead. That's happened plenty of times. Whether it be Obama in 2012 or most infamously Ronald Reagan in 1980. The thing to keep in mind is that it is possible one candidate runs the board because polling errors are correlated across states. That's exactly what happened in 2016, when Trump won most of the close states. This year we just don't know how it's going to play out. Just keep in mind that the potential change in this race could go to Biden's benefit as well as Trump's.

I think you're not ready yet, you should wait a bit, mate. Recover activity in GoG 😉 Contra for now.

Bienvenido de vuelta uwu espero seamos como antes de unidos

Hello @Shyloo I would like to ask you some questions before I decide. What would you propose / improve in your project to make it much better and attract the ATTENTION of NEW MEMBERS? (Journalist / Devil Harmony) take your time to answer. 1 month has passed and you are still in the projects, my question is, in the time that happened, what ideas did you give to improve them? How is your communication with the team in your projects? / Can you work as a team and accept constructive criticism?

The besto ❤️

Contra. You came back and you need to do more activity, first be constant in this, do not forget proposals & F. A. Q

President Donald Trump again contradicted his own health officials' coronavirus statements - this time on the importance of mask wearing and the timing for a vaccine. And he demeaned Dr. Robert Redfield, the director of the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, saying the doctor was "confused" in his congressional testimony. Redfield said Wednesday that masks may be a more effective protection against coronavirus than any potential vaccine that the President can't stop hyping. And he laid out a timeline for when the general US public could expect to start seeing results from widespread coronavirus vaccination the second or third quarter of 2021. Those statements both seemed to contradict what Trump has been saying. "I might even go so far as to say that this face mask is more guaranteed to protect me against Covid than when I take a Covid vaccine, because the immunogenicity may be 70%. And if I don't get an immune response, the vaccine is not going to protect me. This face mask will, "Redfield told lawmakers during public testimony, adding that the American public has not yet embraced the use of masks to a level that could effectively control the outbreak. Responding to Redfield's congressional testimony, Trump took his pushback against the doctor - who he appointed to lead the CDC - a step further, contradicting the agency head on two accounts: the timeline for a coronavirus vaccine and the effectiveness of masks compared with inoculation . Redfield told the Senate Appropriations Committee Wednesday: "If you're asking me when is it going to be generally available to the American public, so we can begin to take advantage of vaccine to get back to our regular life, I think we're probably looking at third, late second quarter, third quarter 2021. " The President told reporters Redfield was "confused" when he said that. "I think he made a mistake when he said that. It's just incorrect information," Trump said. The President also said Redfield's comments to Congress about masks possibly being more effective than a vaccine were incorrect and that Redfield may have misunderstood the question. "Maybe he misunderstood it," Trump said, later adding, "As far as the masks are concerned, I hope that the vaccine is going to be a lot more beneficial than the masks." Redfield said in a statement regarding his mask testimony that he believes in the "importance of vaccines and the importance in particular of a Covid-19 vaccine." "A Covid-19 vaccine is the thing that will get Americans back to normal everyday life. The best defense we currently have against this virus are the important mitigation efforts of wearing a mask, washing your hands, social distancing and being careful about crowds, "He said, not addressing Trump's claim that he had been confused. A CDC spokesman issued a statement responding to Trump's vaccine comment by seemingly backing up the President's claim. "In today's hearing, Dr. Redfield was answering a question he thought was in regard to the time period in which all Americans would have completed their Covid vaccination, and his estimate was by the second or third quarter of 2021. He was not referring to the time period when Covid-19 vaccine doses would be made available to all Americans, "the spokesman said. This is not the first time Trump has forced Redfield to revisit answers he's given regarding the pandemic. Earlier this year, Trump claimed Redfield had been inaccurately quoted in The Washington Post, before the doctor confirmed he had been accurately quoted. The back-and-forth comes the day after Trump's White House held a peace agreement ceremony with dignitaries from three foreign countries that largely ignored social distancing and mask guidelines - and the President awkwardly and baselessly named "waiters" as part of a group of people who don't like wearing masks to prevent the spread of the virus.

On August 14, the coronavirus pandemic was on fire in the US. More than 168,000 Americans had died, with more than 1,300 deaths that day alone. But when President Donald Trump called legendary journalist Bob Woodward, it was to find out one thing: He had recently learned that Woodward's new book "Rage" was done and would be coming out in September, and Trump wanted to find out how he'd be portrayed. It was their 19th conversation, following 18 interviews that formed a key component of Woodward's book. Trump had privately told Woodward in February he knew critical details about how deadly the virus was, and in March admitted he was playing it down. On August 14, Trump peppered the veteran two-time Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist with questions about the book and what exactly was in it. CNN has obtained excerpts of the 10-minute conversation, which show Trump was more focused on the economy than the public health crisis. As the two debated Trump's response to the pandemic, Trump finally asked: "So you think the virus totally supersedes the economy?" "Oh sure. But they're related, as you know," Woodward responded. "A little bit, yeah," Trump replied. "Oh, a little bit?" Woodward asked. "I mean, more than a little bit. But the economy is doing -- look, we're close to a new stock market record," Trump said. Woodward: It's gonna be a contest between you and Biden. It's gonna be a contest between both of you and the virus. The virus is- because it's in real people's lives, you know, all those tens of millions of people who don't have jobs, who don't have- Trump: I know. Trump's question to Woodward underscores the President's attitude toward the virus. After six months of experts trying to convince Trump that the two are linked -- that an economic recovery depends on first stopping the virus -- Trump is still focused on the stock market and the economy because he believes those are key to his reelection. In another part of the conversation, Woodward told Trump there are parts of the book the President won't like. "It's a tough book," he said, adding that it's "close to the bone." "You know the market's coming back very strong, you do know that," Trump responded to Woodward. "Yes, of course," Woodward said. "Did you cover that in the book?" Trump asked. 'I acted early' Woodward and Trump continued to debate Trump's response to the pandemic and how it will be critical to the presidential election. When Woodward told Trump that the election will be a contest between him, former Vice President Joe Biden "and the virus," Trump insisted, "Nothing more could have been done." He added: "I acted early." Since the critical details of what Trump withheld about the virus have become public, the President has tried to shift the conversation. "If Bob Woodward thought what I said was bad, then he should have immediately, right after I said it, gone out to the authorities so they can prepare and let them know," Trump said on Thursday. "But he didn't think it was bad. And he said he didn't think it was bad. He actually said he didn't think it was bad." Woodward told CNN he never said this to the President. Woodward said that when he heard Trump talking about the coronavirus being airborne and deadlier than the flu in February, he first had to go out and learn whether that was actually true, since so little was known about the virus and how it was spread at the time. Trump had mentioned speaking to Chinese President Xi Jinping on February 6, and Woodward wondered if the President had learned those details based on his conversation with Xi. For months, Woodward said, he was chasing after a transcript of that call. It wasn't until early May, when Woodward learned about a January 28 top secret intelligence briefing Trump had with his national security team, that Woodward started to piece together the story. In that briefing, Trump's national security adviser Robert O'Brien told Trump that the coronavirus would be "the biggest national security threat" of his presidency, and O'Brien's deputy Matthew Pottinger warned Trump about human-to-human and asymptomatic spread of the virus. Trump also said last week that the calls with Woodward were "quick ones, not long ones." In fact, the 18 interviews totaled nearly 10 hours. In more than a half-dozen cases, it was Trump who called Woodward unexpectedly, sometimes late at night from the White House residence. As CNN reported last week, many of those calls were made without White House aides knowing about them.

Taking the stage at a rally in Nevada Saturday night, President Donald Trump didn't hold back. He said his anger about a recent Democratic ad that highlighted his alleged comments disparaging dead American soldiers had freed him to take his campaign to the next level: "Now I can be really vicious," he said to roars of approval from the crowd of Trump supporters in Minden. The President, who has long relished his role as a divider who amasses power by creating a climate of fear, went on to describe his opponent, Joe Biden, as "shot" and a puppet of the radical left, before accusing Democrats of trying to "lock law-abiding Americans in their homes" during the pandemic as they fight God, guns and oil. "At no time before has there been a clearer choice between two parties or two visions, two philosophies, two agendas for the future. There's never been anything like this," Trump said during the rally where he claimed he was "probably entitled" to a third term because he's been so poorly treated. "The Democrats are trying to rig this election, because it's the only way they're gonna win," he said. View Trump and Biden head-to-head polling Trump's divisive tactics this weekend immediately erased the fleeting moment of unity that came Friday as the nation marked the 19th anniversary of the September 11 attacks. At the 9/11 memorial service in New York City, the nation caught a glimpse of the spirit of bipartisanship that existed back in 2001 as it reeled from the terrorist attacks. Biden and Vice President Mike Pence exchanged an elbow bump as they passed one another, a rare moment of comity within a deeply polarized nation led by a President who continues to divide Americans and turn them against one another, even as the nation is gripped by crisis. The anniversary led many to reflect on how dramatically different Trump's leadership style is from virtually all of the recent presidents who came before him. It recalled the images of President George W. Bush climbing atop a pile of rubble in lower Manhattan with a bullhorn attempting to unify the nation and speak for it as he sent love and compassion to first-responders and those affected by the tragedy. Yet here we are, more than six months into a pandemic that's killed more than 193,000 Americans, with a President who continues to lie about downplaying the deadly virus in February and March and who insists that his administration has done everything right as the US leads the world in coronavirus cases, while attempting to win reelection by pitting Americans of different races against each other and creating a climate of fear. Division permeating American life: Trump's rhetoric at his Saturday rally was emblematic of his political strategy since he began running for the presidency in 2015. But his embrace of division and discord now seems to have permeated every aspect of Americans' lives, from football to the simple act of wearing a mask, while at the same time, he has tried to subjugate some of the most independent agencies of government to his political desires. As Trump has minimized the importance of the life-saving act of wearing a mask, there have been angry confrontations over mask-wearing: the people asking patrons to put on masks have been spat on, shouted at, and in several cases, assaulted. While there appeared to be a chance for bipartisan unity on the issue of racial justice after the killing of George Floyd this spring, the President's efforts to vilify demonstrators as "thugs," rioters and looters while portraying himself as the paragon of "law and order" have led Americans to retreat to their partisan corners. A CNN poll released earlier this month showed opinions about racism and the protests aimed at confronting it have become more divided by party. While the protests against police brutality have been predominantly peaceful, some of the most frightening confrontations have unfolded when Black Lives Matter demonstrators were confronted by far-right agitators and armed vigilantes who seemed to heed Trump's calls to dominate the streets -- with some likely emboldened by the President's refusal to condemn the violence unless it was directed at his own supporters. After Trump's relentless efforts to disparage players who kneel during the National Anthem as a form of protest against systematic racism and police brutality, fans at Arrowhead Stadium this week booed after an announcer asked for a "moment of silence dedicated to the ongoing fight for equality in our country" before the kickoff at the Kansas City Chiefs and Houston Texans game. (The crowd ultimately applauded after the two teams linked arms to form a chain). Undermining US institutions: And while political polarization in Washington pre-dated Trump, the intransigence has grown during his presidency. Though thousands of Americans are out of work and struggling with the economic fallout from the pandemic, it is now unlikely that any stimulus deal to aid workers, schools and small businesses will come to fruition until after the election -- just six months after Congress passed the largest stimulus in history in the early months of the crisis. In Trump's continuing effort to make agencies that cherished their independence from politics beholden to his political goals, Americans learned this weekend that Trump-appointed communications officials at the US Department of Health and Human Services sought to change language within the weekly science reports released by the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention so that it would align with the President's message.

President Donald Trump admitted he knew weeks before the first confirmed US coronavirus death that the virus was dangerous, airborne, highly contagious and "more deadly than even your strenuous flus," and that he repeatedly played it down publicly, according to legendary journalist Bob Woodward in his new book "Rage." "This is deadly stuff," Trump told Woodward on February 7. In a series of interviews with Woodward, Trump revealed that he had a surprising level of detail about the threat of the virus earlier than previously known. "Pretty amazing," Trump told Woodward, adding that the coronavirus was maybe five times "more deadly" than the flu. Trump's admissions are in stark contrast to his frequent public comments at the time insisting that the virus was "going to disappear" and "all work out fine." The book, using Trump's own words, depicts a President who has betrayed the public trust and the most fundamental responsibilities of his office. In "Rage," Trump says the job of a president is "to keep our country safe." But in early February, Trump told Woodward he knew how deadly the virus was, and in March, admitted he kept that knowledge hidden from the public. "I wanted to always play it down," Trump told Woodward on March 19, even as he had declared a national emergency over the virus days earlier. "I still like playing it down, because I don't want to create a panic." If instead of playing down what he knew, Trump had acted decisively in early February with a strict shutdown and a consistent message to wear masks, social distance and wash hands, experts believe that thousands of American lives could have been saved. "Rage" also includes brutal assessments of Trump's presidency from many of his former top national security officials, including former Defense Secretary James Mattis, former Director of National Intelligence Dan Coats and former Secretary of State Rex Tillerson. Mattis is quoted as calling Trump "dangerous" and "unfit" to be commander in chief. Woodward writes that Coats "continued to harbor the secret belief, one that had grown rather than lessened, although unsupported by intelligence proof, that Putin had something on Trump." Woodward continues, writing that Coats felt, "How else to explain the president's behavior? Coats could see no other explanation." The book also contains harsh evaluations of the President's leadership on the virus from current officials. Dr. Anthony Fauci, the administration's top infectious disease expert, is quoted telling others Trump's leadership was "rudderless" and that his "attention span is like a minus number." "His sole purpose is to get reelected," Fauci told an associate, according to Woodward. 'The virus has nothing to do with me' Woodward reveals new details on the early warnings Trump received - and often ignored. In a January 28 top secret intelligence briefing, national security adviser Robert O'Brien gave Trump a "jarring" warning about the virus, telling the President it would be the "biggest national security threat" of his presidency. Trump's head "popped up," Woodward writes. O'Brien's deputy, Matt Pottinger, concurred, telling Trump it could be as bad as the influenza pandemic of 1918, which killed an estimated 50 million people worldwide, including 675,000 Americans. Pottinger warned Trump that asymptomatic spread was occurring in China: He had been told 50% of those infected showed no symptoms. At that time, there were fewer than a dozen reported coronavirus cases in the US. Three days later, Trump announced restrictions on travel from China, a move suggested by his national security team - despite Trump's later claims that he alone backed the travel limitations. Nevertheless, Trump continued to publicly downplay the danger of the virus. February was a lost month. Woodward views this as a damning missed opportunity for Trump to reset "the leadership clock" after he was told this was a "once-in-a-lifetime health emergency."

Maybe the biggest surprise about allegations President Donald Trump uttered rude dismissals of American war dead was how unsurprising it really was. The remarks, reported first in The Atlantic magazine and corroborated by several outlets, including CNN, seemed so in character with Trump's public persona that even an onslaught of denials from current and former officials did little to negate the impression that Trump is a man who sometimes says terrible things. When excerpts soon followed of his former attorney and fixer Michael Cohen's book portraying Trump as a cheat, liar, fraud, bully, racist, predator and con man, the surprise again failed to materialize - even though Cohen had worked intimately with Trump for years . Now, as the presidential campaign begins its post-Labor Day finale, the question has become less about what Americans know of Trump's character but whether they care. Trump appears to be betting they don't. He's continued his attacks on war heroes and generals, even as he tries to claim utmost respect for the military. And he's dismissing efforts to reckon with the country's racist past, even as he works to convince suburban White voters he's not racist himself. Just as voters' threshold for bad behavior was tested in the final days of 2016, when Trump's vulgar on-camera comments about molesting women rocked the race, Americans this time around find themselves again forced to decide whether Trump's character really matters to them. In the broad scheme of things back then, it didn't and he won. View Trump and Biden head-to-head polling But 2020 could be different: since that race, voters have been bombarded with more examples of the President using crude, sexist or racist language, erasing any notion the office might change him and throwing the country's politics into turmoil. An election about character At its heart, the 2020 presidential campaign has always been about character. Even a life-altering pandemic, an economic calamity and a national racial reckoning have become tests of the incumbent's constitution: Whether Trump cared enough to confront a health crisis, whether he understood the suffering of out-of-work Americans and whether he could speak with compassion to those who have historically been oppressed in the United States. Former Vice President Joe Biden, the Democratic nominee, has expressly made Trump's character the central argument of his campaign, and has been candid that he might not be running for president right now if the incumbent were a traditional Republican and not someone who - in Biden's telling - lacks the moral authority to lead the country. He's sought to cast himself as Trump's moral opposite - and on Sunday, a few minutes after the President arrived for the 296th visit of his presidency to one of his golf clubs, Biden was arriving at church services at St. Joseph on the Brandywine in Wilmington, Delaware. Even Republicans appeared to acknowledge that character will play a central role in voters' decision-making in November, programming their convention last month with personal testimonies to rebut suggestions that Trump is uncaring, sexist or racist in the hopes of wooing suburban voters who have been turned off by the President's behavior. Yet based on polls, which have remained mostly steady since the convention, those arguments did little to reverse what have become hardened views of Trump as uncaring, disrespectful and churlish. And it's that impression of the President - which he hasn't always attempted to rebut - that makes the allegations lodged this week so difficult for him to shake. "If this is true it's really reprehensible. The problem is, it is believable given the President's past behavior and statements he made, most notably about Sen. McCain," former Director of National Intelligence James Clapper said on CNN. After The Atlantic article published, CNN's Jim Acosta reported that a former senior administration official confirmed Trump referred to fallen US service members at the Aisne-Marne cemetery in France in crude and derogatory terms during a November 2018 trip to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the end of World War I. A person familiar with Trump's views also said he has repeatedly questioned why Americans who served in Vietnam went to war, suggesting that veterans of that conflict didn't know how to exploit the system to get out of serving. Trump received a draft deferment for bone spurs. The same source said Trump has also questioned why Americans would sign up to go to war in Iraq and Afghanistan, wondering aloud, "What did they get out of it?" Trump has been so enraged by the article that aides began lining up statements of denial nearly as soon as it published, people familiar with the matter said. Trump himself issued a forceful denial standing on a pitch-black tarmac Thursday evening, not seeming to notice there were no lights to illuminate his statement. "Absolutely not," Veterans Affairs Secretary Robert Wilkie said when asked by CNN's Dana Bash on "State of the Union" Sunday whether he'd ever heard the President disparage veterans. "And I would be offended too if I thought it was true."

My vote is to DH2 like more than DH1, dh2 Rhythm and chill for me