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Q. When I retired from teaching, the school made a lovely tribute movie on an iPad. I would love a copy of the movie as a keepsake, but no one can figure out how to make a DVD for me. Can you help? A. As versatile as it is, the iPad does not include the ability to record DVDs, so you need the right hardware and software to get the movie onto a disc. Some programs in Apple’s App Store offer to create DVDs from uploaded video, but you can also do it yourself if you have access to a computer with a DVD burner and disc-making software. If you want to go the app route, software like Burn Video promises to take video uploaded from an iOS device and record it to a DVD for you. The App Store has other similar programs, although some may charge monthly subscription fees to regularly record iPhone or iPad video to disc. Most video-editing programs for iOS devices offer export options that allow you to save a copy of a movie project as a file that plays outside of the app that created it. The export options vary based on the editing software used, but Apple’s own iMovie app is frequently used for making iPad video projects and can be used here as an example. Open the iMovie app and tap the thumbnail for the project you want to export. On the project’s page, tap the Share menu icon at the bottom of the screen between the preview icon and the trash icon. In the window that pops up, select a place to save the movie. Depending on the apps and accounts used with the iPad, choices may include online storage sites like iCloud Drive, Google Drive, OneDrive or Dropbox. If the iPad is near a compatible Mac, it is also possible to wirelessly transfer the movie to the computer with Apple’s AirDrop feature. (On a Mac, you can also open it with the desktop version of iMovie or import it through iTunes.) From the Share menu, you can also export the movie to the iPad’s photo library with the Save Video icon. Connect the iPad to a Mac or PC with its USB cable to import the video to the computer the same way you import photos from a digital camera, through the Windows AutoPlay box (and other methods) or the Mac’s Image Capture app. Once you get the exported file on the computer with the connected DVD burner, record the movie to a disc. A DVD-creation program can record and format the disc so that it automatically plays like a standard movie on the DVD player connected to your home entertainment center.

ISTANBUL — A prominent columnist wrote recently about how President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey hates cigarettes so much that he confiscates packs from his followers, lecturing them on the evils of smoking. The columnist, Kadri Gursel, then urged his readers to protest the president’s anti-democratic ways by lighting a cigarette and not putting it out. For that, Mr. Gursel was arrested on terrorism charges and is being held in pretrial detention, one of 120 journalists who have been jailed in Turkey’s crackdown on the news media since a failed coup attempt in July. There, he has the company of 10 colleagues from his newspaper, Cumhuriyet, the country’s last major independent publication. Among them are its editor and the paper’s chief executive, arrested as he stepped off a flight to Istanbul last Friday. Turkey now has handily outstripped China as the world’s biggest jailer of journalists, according to figures compiled by the Committee to Protect Journalists. Continue reading the main story The jailings are the most obvious example of an effort to muzzle not just the free press, but free speech generally. More than 3,000 Turks have faced charges for insulting the president, including a former Miss Turkey, Merve Buyuksarac, who posted on Instagram a satirical rewording of the country’s national anthem as if Mr. Erdogan were singing: I am like a wild flood, I smash over the law and beyond I follow state bids, take my bribe and live. She was sentenced to 14 months in prison, suspended on the condition that she not repeat any offensive remarks. The government and its supporters are behind a wave of demands to Twitter to remove offending posts, more than all other countries in the world put together, according to Twitter’s Transparency Report (of 20,000 Twitter accounts affected worldwide this year, 15,000 were Turkish). Several journalists — including Mr. Gursel, whose column was published three days before the coup attempt — have been retroactively accused of “subliminal” messaging in support of the July uprising. Even more risky now is anything viewed as support for the outlawed Kurdish nationalist party, the PKK. Some have been attacked for calling members of the group “militants,” rather than “terrorists.” Others are in jail for advocating a resumption of the collapsed peace process with the Kurdish guerrillas — although few here dare use the word “guerrilla.” Failing to mention how many people were killed in the attempted coup, in any article about it, is also considered proof of terrorist sympathies. Others have been convicted on terrorism charges for reporting a 2015 scandal in which Mr. Erdogan’s government was accused of supplying weapons to the Islamic State, which it is now fighting in Syria. One of those is Cumhuriyet’s former editor in chief, Can Dundar, who was free on appeal when he announced in August that he was not returning from a trip to Germany, saying he could not expect a fair trial in the wake of the coup attempt. In addition to the jailings here, some 150 news outlets have been shuttered, ranging from TV stations to online enterprises, according to Erol Onderoglu, the Turkish representative for Reporters Without Borders. But probably the most corrosive long-term effect of the crackdown has been a highly effective government push for businessmen who are loyal to it to take over ownership of many of the remaining outlets, turning them into avid cheerleaders for Mr. Erdogan and his policies. “What’s left, they are all basically Pravda,” said Gulsin Harman, who resigned in disgust from her job as a foreign editor at Milliyet, a once independent newspaper that is now owned by an Erdogan crony. “There is no more critical journalism, 90 percent of the free press is destroyed directly or indirectly,” Mr. Onderoglu said. “Investigative journalism is considered treason. Journalism has been stolen by the government.” Mr. Erdogan’s office did not respond to repeated requests for comment on its treatment of the news media. There have been press crackdowns in Turkey before, especially during periods of military rule, and even Mr. Erdogan and his government have used press laws and intimidation against journalists on a large scale since 2012. But the sweeping emergency powers granted to Mr. Erdogan after the failed military coup against him, by supporters of the exiled Muslim cleric Fethullah Gulen, have greatly accelerated the crackdown. “Never has there been such a dark period as this,” said Ayse Yildirim, a Cumhuriyet columnist, who found out by accident that criminal charges had been placed against her for reporting on a Kurdish baby killed by a police bullet at a protest. In addition to Mr. Dundar and the 11 Cumhuriyet staff members in jail, the paper’s employees are fending off an estimated 100 other criminal cases against them on a variety of charges, such as offending Turkishness, the president or local officials; terrorism; and membership in the PKK. “Now even publishing a not-nice picture of Erdogan would be trouble,” said one prominent journalist, who spoke only on condition of anonymity because she feared she would be arrested, as many of her colleagues have been. “Now we even have ministers calling us and saying, ‘Why did you run that picture of me? I don’t like the way it looks,’ ” she said. Some of the most virulent attacks on independent-minded journalists have come from journalists in the pro-Erdogan press who are known by their colleagues as “hit men.” First they attack the target by name, then personally lobby with intimidated media owners or the government to have the person fired or jailed. The most notorious — and effective — of such hit men is a television commentator and social media activist named Cem Kucuk, a nationalist who many journalists say is really a government operative. When a New York Times journalist telephoned to arrange an interview with him, his colleagues said he could more easily be reached at the president’s office. Mr. Kucuk laughed about that comment, saying, “No, no, I’m very close to Erdogan.” He denied he was a presidential employee, but made no apologies for advocating the jailing of journalists he views as “traitors” and supporters of terrorists. “I don’t care what they call me,” he said. “In all of Turkey, people like me.” As for the spectacle of so many Turkish journalists behind bars, he said, “They deserve it.” He said that Western countries had also jailed journalists, citing examples like the former New York Times reporter Judith Miller, jailed for refusing to reveal a source, and employees of the British tabloid News of the World, jailed for telephone hacking and the bribery of police officers. Recently, a wiretap of a phone call between Mr. Erdogan and Erdogan Demiroren, the owner of the Milliyet newspaper, was posted on YouTube. In it, Mr. Demiroren is heard apologizing for the paper’s publication of leaked minutes of a secret meeting between Kurdish leaders who were discussing peace negotiations that have since been abandoned. Mr. Demiroren says to the president, “Did I upset you, boss?” As Mr. Erdogan berates him, the paper’s owner begins weeping as he apologizes and promises to find out who leaked the documents to his paper. Mr. Erdogan denounces “this disgraceful, dishonest, vile man who puts a headline and wants to sabotage this process.” No one has challenged the tape’s authenticity. There have been efforts at solidarity among some journalists. When the Kurdish daily Ozgur Gundem was under attack, prominent journalists from many other publications took turns guest editing it, one each day. A hundred did so, and 50 of them were hit with criminal charges, accused of various terrorism offenses for what the paper published the next day. Mr. Kucuk said it would not be necessary for Turkey’s remaining big newspapers to be shut down, as so many other outlets have been, because they had been brought to heel. The foundation that owns Cumhuriyet, he predicted, would soon be taken over by a group of hard-liners more friendly to the president. “I can foresee things,” he said. “In the last three years, I am the only journalist whose writings became the truth.” The other surviving major daily papers have already begun to toe the official line, including Hurriyet, the country’s most distinguished daily, which has been cowed by a tax fine equivalent to about $500 million, and Milliyet. “In the media now, it’s me and some of my friends like me, we managed to prevail over them,” Mr. Kucuk said. “For example, now I have the power to make Hurriyet do what I want it to do. Now, we are ruling the country, we are ruling the people.”

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South African President Jacob Zuma survived a no-confidence vote on Thursday, after the anti-graft watchdog called in a report for a judicial inquiry into allegations of influence-peddling in the government. The scandal highlighted in the report has rattled investors in Africa’s most industrialised country and raised the risk the stagnating economy’s credit ratings will be downgraded. Zuma, 74, had the support of the African National Congress (ANC), which controls about two-thirds of the 400-member assembly. He has already survived a no-confidence motion and an impeachment vote this year, related to other scandals. “I think the no’s have it,” Deputy Speaker Lechesa Tsenoli ruled, after lawmakers of Zuma’s ANC, which controls almost two-thirds of the assembly, voted against the motion and burst into song in support of Zuma. The main opposition Democratic Alliance (DA), which called the no-confidence motion against Zuma over what it described as his “reckless leadership”, asked for a re-count of the vote. Zuma, who was not in the assembly, won with 214 lawmakers voting against the motion, while 126 voted in favour and one abstained, a result that mirrored his victory in March. In his speech supporting the motion, the DA party leader Mmusi Maimane urged lawmakers to “stand up against state capture,” while Water and Sanitation Minister Nomvula Mokonyane said the motion was “ill-conceived and bound to fail.” The vote comes after the Public Protector, a constitutionally-mandated office, called for a judicial inquiry into allegations of corruption in Zuma’s government in a report titled “State of Capture” released last week. Zuma denies allegations that he granted undue influence to the Gupta family of business tycoons, who run a business empire from media to mining, or anyone else. The Guptas have also denied any wrongdoing.

Q. Is it possible to make the text on my smartphone bigger so that I can read emails more easily? A. The major smartphone platforms include settings that can make the devices simpler to use for people who require bigger text, the ability to zoom, high-contrast displays, audio cues and narration, or assistance with the touch screen. In recent versions of the Android and iOS systems, these controls are kept in the Accessibility settings. (Last month, Apple even announced a new Accessibility website to guide users on the assistive features of its products; Google has a similar section on its own site.) On an iPhone running iOS 10, open the Settings icon, select General and then choose Accessibility. In the Vision section of the settings, tap the On button next to Larger Text. On the next screen, turn on Larger Accessibility Sizes and use the slider to adjust the type to suit you. The iPhone's Accessibility settings let you adjust the size of the screen text for many apps. Credit The New York Times The text size may not change for some apps, but you should see the new size in native iOS apps like Mail, Messages, Contacts and Calendar. If you find the iOS system font too spindly for comfortable reading, the Accessibility settings also offer a Bold Text option. On an Android 7.0 device, open the Settings icon and select Accessibility. Tap Font Size and use the slider on the screen to select your preferred size. The Accessibility area’s Display Size controls let you similarly adjust the size of items on the screen. Android software that has been customized by hardware makers and wireless carriers may have slightly different steps for selecting larger type, and older versions of Android have a Large Text button you can use to increase the size of the screen type. (The Google Chrome browser for Android has its own type-scaling controls in the app’s Accessibility settings.) For those using Windows Phone 10 handsets, visit the Ease of Access area of the Settings for similar controls.

SAN FRANCISCO — Social media companies are under increasing scrutiny for the amount of hate speech that thrives on their platforms, especially since the presidential election. Now, Twitter has unveiled several new measures to curb the online abuse, though the changes are unlikely to be far-reaching enough to quiet the company’s critics. On Tuesday, Twitter said it was making it easier for its users to hide content they do not wish to see on the service and to report abusive posts, even when those messages are directed at other users. The company has given its support teams training to better identify mistreatment on Twitter. “There’s a fine line between free expression and abuse, and this launch is another step on the path toward getting rid of abuse,” said Del Harvey, Twitter’s vice president of trust and security. “We’ve been launching new products to address this, and the cadence of product releases is picking up. We have a lot planned on this path.” Online harassment and hate speech have long festered on Twitter, but the incidents appeared to rise during the presidential campaign. Exchanges between supporters of President-elect Donald J. Trump and Hillary Clinton grew personal and acrimonious. Many of Mr. Trump’s supporters also relied on a series of images — some anti-Semitic and others quietly coded as racist — to circulate hate speech on Twitter. Since Mr. Trump’s victory last week, Twitter has been filled with reports of racist and derogatory taunts against minorities. Many users have expressed fear and concern about the escalation of such behavior. When asked about harassment of minorities, Mr. Trump told “60 Minutes” that his supporters should “stop it.” Twitter has not had a comprehensive response for dealing with hate speech, largely because the company did not want to limit freedom of expression on the service. But over time, Twitter has rolled out measures to tackle the problem. It has let people mute the accounts of other users, effectively making their content disappear from view. Last year, it issued an explicit prohibition against hateful conduct. The company is now taking more action. It is letting people more specifically block out what they do not want to see on the service, including muting words, phrases and even entire conversations. Twitter is also making it easier for people to report abusive behavior, even if they are only bystanders to the abuse, and for the company to evaluate those reports. And it has overhauled its approach to training support teams, holding special sessions on cultural and historical context for hateful conduct. “Someone looking at user complaints in Asia may not recognize something happening in the E.U. or the U.S. as hateful,” Ms. Harvey said. “We need to make sure there is a universal familiarity with the most common trends and themes we’re seeing that are abusive, but may not seem so at first glance.” Critics said that while the steps are positive, they will not eliminate hate speech. Twitter’s changes “don’t stop the problem of posting abusive content,” said Mark S. Luckie, a former Twitter manager who now runs a digest of the topics trending among Twitter’s African-American users called Today in #BlackTwitter. “People will find a way to abuse others online, but these changes may put users at ease and curb the perception of abuse on Twitter.” Part of the reason abuse has thrived on Twitter is because the company allows anonymity, Mr. Luckie said. “But unlike other sites with anonymity, Twitter lets users broadcast to the world — so their abuse has a huge potential impact,” he said. “If you fight with a celebrity and the celebrity fights back, then you have potentially reached a global audience with your abuse.” Ms. Harvey acknowledged that Twitter has not always moved fast enough to clamp down on abusive behavior. She said that the problem would probably never be entirely solved, but that the company was doing more to identify repeat offenders who create new accounts when Twitter shuts them down or who incite users to gang up on others. “When I hear that Twitter only cares about this now, that we’re only going through the motions, I understand where that perception comes from,” Ms. Harvey said. “But this is important to us because people are experiencing these abusive things, and we need to make sure they know what options they have and that we’re taking action to make things better.”

The clock has started for one of the most eagerly awaited market debuts of 2017: that of Snapchat, the po[CENSORED]r messaging service. The social network’s parent, Snap Inc., has filed confidentially to go public, with an eye toward being valued at more than $30 billion, people briefed on the matter said Tuesday. That would make Snap the third-most-valuable technology company at the time of its market debut, after Alibaba and Facebook. The company is aiming to begin having its shares traded as soon as March, though the final timing for an offering has not been determined. The confidential filing, made with the Securities and Exchange Commission before the presidential election last week, comes amid a relative drought in the market for initial public offerings. There have been 96 offerings of companies with a market value of more than $50 million in the United States so far this year, down 41 percent from 2015, according to data from Renaissance Capital. A successful debut of Snap could help revive that market, encouraging other technology companies to go public. It would be the first top-tier “unicorn” — Silicon Valley lingo for private companies valued at $1 billion or more — to go public next year. Unlike Uber, Airbnb or the lender SoFi, however, Snap has a main business that is not subject to a web of government regulations that make a public listing complicated. A Snap share sale is also expected to eschew the complexities of previous technology initial public offerings like Google’s in 2004. Still, like Google, Facebook and other tech companies, Snap’s recently amended corporate charter shows that a different class of stock would enable its top executives, including its co-founder Evan Spiegel, to maintain control even after the service is publicly traded. Yet Snap will encounter intense scrutiny from potential investors, as rivals try to encroach on its turf by copying some of the photo messaging service’s signature features. In August, Facebook’s Instagram rolled out its version of the Snapchat Stories photo and video service. A spokesman for Snap declined to comment on the filing, which was reported earlier by Reuters. Founded in a Stanford University dorm room in 2011, Snapchat has become a darling of the tech world, as it has grown from a simple disappearing-messages service into a digital video phenomenon. Its lofty goal is to essentially become the online generation’s equivalent to television. It has built up its po[CENSORED]r Stories service, in which users upload photos or videos and share them with followers. And it gained new levels of po[CENSORED]rity after rolling out features like lenses, which lets users transform their likenesses into cartoon dogs, silly faces — or Taco Bell tacos, paid for by sponsors. Such has been the po[CENSORED]rity of Snapchat that media organizations have rushed to establish beachheads on the service. Even the White House has set up a Snapchat account, and President Obama has given an interview on the company’s in-house political show. Analysts have estimated that Snap, which began its advertising business less than two years ago, could reach $1 billion in sales next year, up from more than $350 million this year. Snap’s financial information will be known when its offering filing is publicly disclosed — if the company decides to go ahead with a sale of its shares. The confidentiality of Snap’s filing was made possible by the Jumpstart Our Business Start-ups. or JOBS, Act of 2012, which permits companies with less than $1 billion in revenue to conduct much of their preparation for an I.P.O. away from the glare of public scrutiny. Twitter, GoPro, Box and even the English soccer club Manchester United have filed confidentially for stock listings in the United States in this way. Under the law, companies must publicly disclose their offering documents some 15 days before they start pitching the proposed share offering to prospective investors in what is known as a “road show.” The investment banks Morgan Stanley and Goldman Sachs have been hired to lead the offering, people briefed on the matter have previously said. Unlike some private companies, Snap has had no trouble raising money on the private markets, so investors were not given preferential treatment regarding how many shares they will get in the event of a public offering, according to corporate documents filed in Delaware. This sets Snap apart from offerings from Square and Box. Both of those companies had to give some of their private investors special deals that diluted other early shareholders. When Square went public last November, some investors received an additional 10.3 million shares, which came at the expense of other investors. Similarly, when Box went public in 2014, some of the company’s earlier private investors were entitled to extra shares. “Snapchat will certainly be an indicator of whether there is a big pile of investor cash ready to go into the market,” said Doug Bontemps, Silicon Valley Bank’s managing director of corporate finance. “But Snapchat is unique. It’s growing quickly, is doing some interesting things with glasses and has gotten a lot of attention. There aren’t a lot of that ilk.” Correction: November 15, 2016 An earlier version of this article misstated the number of days in which companies must publicly disclose their offering documents before pitching the proposed share offering to prospective investors. It is 15 days, not 21.

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