Mohamed Nasser

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of Paradox's Grand Strategy titles, I dare to say that Crusader Kings II is the most unique. Essentially character based, it astoundingly simulates the interpersonal nature of politics in the Middle Ages before the advent of “nation-states”. The sweeping, human narratives and dramatic turns blur the line between RPG and Strategy without ever losing its 'Grand' pedigree. To be truly successful in this game requires more than just careful logistical planning of troops and supplies: it also requires playing the great chess game of courtly life. With the recent announcement of Crusader Kings 3, CK2's base game was made free for everyone. That means there's going to be potentially loads of new wannabe rulers needing advice on how to navigate this titan of a strategy game. To that end, my liege, whether you're a new count or a battle-scarred Crusader King, allow me to offer some of the most important tips for the novice and veteran alike. Advice is correct as of the most recent patch with all expansions. SUCCESSION YOUR WAY TO SUCCESS Unlike other games both in Paradox's stable and outside of it which ties your fate to a nation, in CKII, your fate is tied to a particular dynasty—and, more specifically, to one person at a time in that dynasty. Thus, even if your great nation controls the known world but your family loses control over any lands, it's “Game over, man. Game over.” Securing that your titles are succeeded by someone in your family becomes your most primal concern at the start of the game and securing that your family succeeds to titles as it grows is one of the best strategies to “peacefully” acquire more control. This is especially important if you're starting a custom character which has no dynasty to rely on. Most of the time, accomplishing this task is simple: get married (make sure it's matrilineal if you're a woman), have children, and sit pretty as you hope your children aren't idiots. However, here are some nuances to be aware of: Make sure your spouse loves you. Lavish him or her with gifts and other favours that will entice them to your side. This not only mechanically improves your chances of conceiving, but it also helps to ensure that you are not a poor cuckold. There's no real harm in Family focus for a longer period while you wait for heirs. The diplomacy bonus to it is significant enough to be a good focus in and of itself while helping you to conceive children. Don't be afraid to annul marriages that are barren. If you can get your religious head to be on your side to grant you an annulment, do not hesitate. After all, how can a realm breathe with no heir? Just be aware that divorcing your spouse will enrage their family against you. The only exception is if you're hoping to get a claim on your spouse's demesnes. Finally, and perhaps most 'importantly', change succession laws. Gavelkind is perhaps the worst possible succession law ever invented by man. Cutting up one's realm between one's heirs is not only detrimental for larger realms that might split into various Kingdoms (and basically set back all the work you've done), but it might cause rivalries between children. Which leads us to our next major tip... ELECTIVE MONARCHY ISN'T SO BAD So long as you can control the majority of the electors through diplomacy or intrigue, Elective Monarchy almost always ensures that you select the best possible heir for your realm. Whether it's pure elective monarchy or the Imperial style of elective, I have found that this succession law helps to select not only well qualified rulers based on stats and traits (while avoiding those insane inbreds, of course), but also grants you the ability to choose young rulers which is essential for building up that long term legacy. Realms are often unstable after a new ruler ascends and Elective Succession Law helps to alleviate this concern by choosing younger candidates who reign far longer on average. The game is all about building and cultivating loyalty and leading through awe rather than mere power. This is the radial ideal of Medieval Imperial ambition. The problem, of course, is that Elective Monarchy is high risk high reward. You will want to actively kill, exile, or otherwise bribe electors who don't support your candidate or 'eliminate' your rivals that aren't your ideal candidate. However, keep in mind that you don't need to worry so much if it's another family member that is being favoured. So long as your dynasty is on the throne, that's sufficient and the electors will almost never pick someone “so bad” that you'll immediately be beset by civil war. Don't be too hung up if your ideal heir is not selected so long as he's of your blood. INDEPENDENCE IS OVERRATED; CONQUER FROM WITHIN Sun Tzu said that to defeat your enemy through great strength is not the onus of Supreme Excellence; Supreme Excellence is to defeat your enemy without lifting a finger. Thus, learn how to “politic” your way to power. Perhaps the best way to explain this tip is to give you an example from one of my playthrough: I started as a lowly count of Santiago who managed to wrest control of the Kingdom of Asturias. Unfortunately, the Muslim neighbours to the south were poised to destroy my tiny Kingdom. Instead, as soon as I had control of the crown, I bent the knee to Charlemagne who was all too happy to be my overlord. The Caliphate to the south would not dare entrench themselves in a war against a whole empire so I was safe to scheme from within. Since I was already a Kingdom with various demesnes, I was one of the most powerful vassals of the Emperor and set to work befriending enough nobles in the Empire to be crowned Emperor not too long after. If I had remained independent, I would have had no hope against the Caliphate to the South and the Empire to the North. Instead, by working from within, I was crowned by the Pope. Not too bad for a lowly Count to accomplish in the span of twenty years. Which leads us to our next tip. TARGET CHARACTERS, NOT INSTITUTIONS You don't need to win over everyone. Simply win over the appropriate people to get your job accomplished. For example, if you need someone dead, befriend their spymaster. If you need someone deposed, befriend the most powerful vassals in the Kingdom. Focus on quality of characters rather than quantity. Focus your money on those who have influence and focus your military forces on those who are weak and you will find yourself rising to the heights of power. Learn how to eliminate your rivals and to be selective about who you place in power even if they have great stats. Which dovetails nicely into one of the most important parts about managing your court. CKII IS AN ARTIFICIAL EVOLUTION CHAMBER Like learning how to breed beautiful flowers, playing CKII also invites the player to generate genetically favourable traits. Unlike some traits which are based on personality and experience (like the virtues and vices), some traits are genetic. These include Genius, Tall, Strong etc. If possible, learn how to consistently include these genetic markers into your family line. This hoarding also applies to Bloodlines. Avoid bad traits and bolster good traits. Always avoid detrimental genetic traits like inbred, but, keep in mind, that choosing between a spouse that might be great genetically and one who has no negatives but is the heir or heiress to a title, it's almost always better to choose to pursue the title to expand your realm. Once you have control of most of the realms of your religion, that's when you can focus on genetic supremacy. SOMETIMES, REBELLION IS A GOOD THING Strange, you might say. Yet, I have often intentionally triggered civil wars for myself. Why? If you can be sure of winning a civil war by inciting a faction against yourself, you can actually eliminate the power base of rival dynasties. Whenever you win against a faction or vassal in a war, you can strip their members of one or two titles without suffering penalties and, thus, install one of your loyalists (preferably family members) in their place. This is especially useful if you're looking to replace cultures. Learn how to properly prune out factions in your realm by targeting opponents and inciting them to rebellion by getting reasons to arrest them and attempting to arrest them with an intentionally low chance of success forcing them to raise arms against you. This is also a great way to accelerate cultural assimilation as you can choose a top tier vassal of your culture to lead the new viceroyalty or duchy. Keep in mind that you can also raise your levies and position them in their demesnes even before you send out the arrest order so you can have a huge mobilization advantage over your opponent right in the beginning. WINNING WARS IS SIMPLER THAN YOU THINK Unlike other Paradox titles which require you to strategically deploy troops against fortresses and achieve wargoals, CKII rewards a player for winning decisive engagements. Huge amounts of “warscore” is awarded if you manage to defeat an enemy “doomstack” (their combined armies in one location): sometimes by as much as fifty percent. By capturing only one castle and squashing the rest of the armies, you could sometimes force a peace. Thus, with no fortresses to get in the way of mobilization, squash the enemy army first, attain a massive advantage in warscore, then while the enemy army is trying to regroup, capture enough castles to force a peace. Take note that you ought not pursue an enemy army too far into enemy territory as attrition will kill you. Wait until the doomstack is visible and then pursue it on your territory. This is, of course, assuming you can defeat the enemy army. Thus, target opponents weaker than you are. It's easy to check by looking at their ruler and seeing how many levies they can raise in their character profile. Usually, most armies are equivalent in strength so determining by numbers is easy enough. Avoid fighting those with similar sized armies if you can help it since chance may easily turn your parity into a route. Almost always fight those significantly weaker. If you can't find someone significantly weaker, either wait until they are involved in another war with a powerful opponent, raise religious levies against them if they're of another religion, or build up a massive war chest to employ mercenaries. Mercenaries are more unforgiving in CKII than in most other Paradox games so be careful. The only exception to these tips is for fighting the “bosses” such as the Mongol Hordes, Aztec Invaders, and China. These entities with their special “event troops” don't suffer attrition and are generally of higher quality troops. Defeating them is the true test of a Crusader King and requires careful planning and preparation. START DATES Crusader Kings II can see a player starting off at many points over its 700+ year timespan, on one end with a Europe still seeking to find solid ground after the fall of the Western Roman Empire, and on the other with recognizable power players that would dominate the globe for the next 500 years. With 11 different start dates to choose from, the choice can be daunting for even an experienced CKII player. We’ll give you a quick rundown of what each of the start dates are like, plus point you to interesting areas to jump into. EARLY MIDDLE AGES (1 JANUARY, 769) [CHARLEMAGNE DLC] The earliest start date is by far the most diverse in terms of tech and religion. Europe is divided between feudal and tribal states, with many of the tribes also being pagan. This presents an interesting dichotomy, as many early feudal states will have access to heavier and better tech troops, but tribal governments can call in vast numbers of men to fight. Similarly, the presence of the Germanic and Slavic religions in Europe changes the dynamic of diplomacy. You cannot count on another European liking you, because you may be the wrong religion. Expect many religious wars and Viking raids, as well as expansion from the Eurasian Steppe hordes. The Chinese also have a strong hand in this start, with their influence slowly reaching west. Suggested Regions: Western Scandinavia, Iberian peninsula, Himalayas, Caucuses VIKING AGE (1 JANUARY, 867) [THE OLD GODS DLC] Catholicism and feudalism have spread eastward in Europe, in large part thanks to the successor kingdoms to Charlemagne’s Francias. However, even with Christianity strengthened, Germanic Viking hordes are on the loose in Northern Europe. While still tribal, they have such large numbers that they are almost impossible to initially defeat. The nomads of the Eurasian Steppe still pose a threat to their neighbors, but especially as the previous large regional power, the Abbasids, have lost much ground since the previous start. Suggested Regions: Iberian peninsula, British Isles, Southeastern Europe, India THE IRON CENTURY (7 AUGUST, 936) Feudalism gained ground in Western Europe and lost ground in the east, but Catholicism has seen a large spread over the previous 70 years, with most of Europe (excepting much of the Iberian Peninsula, of course) now being Christian. This is a new starting point, recently delivered as free DLC, and it centers around the Germans setting out a-conquering in Central Europe. The previously fearsome Abbasids have meanwhile fallen from grace, and the new power in the MENA (Middle East and North Africa) region is the Fatimid Empire, who look to expand into former Abbasid territory. Suggested Regions: Central Europe, Western Scandinavia, North Africa, Eastern Europe, Central Asia HIGH MIDDLE AGES (15 SEPTEMBER, 1066) This is the classic starting point; Europe is defined less by a variety of government types and religions, and more by many large realms that are uniformly feudal and Catholic (as always, of course, excepting the Iberian peninsula, and also Eastern Europe). This start is very close to the following start, the main difference being that this start features the 3-way war for England between the Anglo-Saxons, the Norwegians, and the Normans. Elsewhere, the Byzantines continue to be the center of technological innovation, but are faced by the Seljuk Sultanate, who separate the west from the east. Suggested Regions: England, Southeastern Europe, Northern Europe WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR (26 DECEMBER, 1066) Fast forward 3 months, and England is now being run by Normans. Not too much else has changed (it has been only 3 months), but players should also look to the Iberian Peninsula if they miss the good religious and cultural conflicts between realms of the earlier starts. Similarly, India in general is a great place if you are looking for extra-realm conflict, with several large and powerful kingdoms packed into a tight box. However, if backdoor scheming and trickery is more your style, there are plenty of options for inter-realm mischief in large European powers, such as the Holy Roman Empire. Suggested Regions: England, Iberian Peninsula, India THE ALEXIAD (1 APRIL, 1081) The mighty Byzantines have begun their historical fall from grace, with the Sultanate of Rum seizing much of Anatolia from the Byzantines. The Seljuks have also begun expanding north, east of the Caspian Sea. And while the Germanic, Slavic, and to an extent the Romuva religions have been reduced in Eastern Europe, a great amount of Northern European tribes still follow the Suomenusko faith, butting up against the Orthodox Kievan Rus and Novgorod. Suggested Regions: Southeastern Europe, Northeastern Europe THE THIRD CRUSADE (1 JANUARY, 1187) Forces from the 3 great Catholic realms from Western Europe (England, France, and the Holy Roman Empire) are marching east in a Crusade to fight off the Ayyubid Sultanate from Jerusalem. This is a great start if you like participating in Holy Wars, as one is served up and ready to go right from the start. Also to note is that England owns a decent chunk of France now, leading to much conflict in the coming years. Suggested Regions: Western Europe, Western Middle East THE LATIN EMPIRE (16 MAY, 1204) The Fourth Crusade failed after it was derailed by a convoluted series of events, resulting in the sack of Constantinople, and the creation of 2 new empires from the ashes of the Byzantine Empire. The Latin Empire sits on the west of the Bosporus Strait, with the Nicene Empire occupying the east. Both are relatively much weaker than the Byzantines were, so there is a power vacuum in the area to fill, either from the 2 new empires, or from a nearby upstart. Of note, the Khwarezmid Sultanate have burst onto the scene in Central Asia, neighboring the now huge Ghurid Empire in India. Suggested Regions: Southeastern Europe, Central Asia AGE OF THE MONGOLS (1 FEBRUARY, 1220) The Mongols have entered the picture, with huge event-spawned stacks appearing at the eastern edge of the map. At the start, they are poised to cut a bloody path through the Khwarezmid Sultanate and much of Eastern Europe. This is a good start for those who love figuring out how to handle a great crisis that can leave you subjugated or dead very quickly, if you are in the Mongols’ way. Suggested Regions: Central Asia, Middle East, Eastern Europe RISE OF THE HANSA (1 MAY, 1241) The Mongols, now split into the Golden Horde, the Ilkhanate, and the Khaganate of Mongolia, have lost their forward steam, but have expanded vastly over the previous 21 years. Bulgaria, Hungary, and Novgorod face subjugation, as well as the Sultanate of Rum and the Ayyubid Sultanate to the south. Meanwhile, further to the east, Delhi stands in a good position to take over India as a whole if they so choose. And back west in Germany, the Hanseatic League is being formed by Lübeck and Hamburg. For the east of Europe, this is what a post-apocalypse scenario looks like. Suggested Regions: Eastern Europe, Southeastern Europe, Middle East, Germany LATE MIDDLE AGES (1 JANUARY, 1337) The final start date in Crusader Kings 2, much has changed since the last start date. This is an excellent start for those who wish to continue their game into EU4, as there are only about 100 years between 1337 and the end date of the game. In the north of Europe, Novgorod and Sweden have become dominant regional powers, both threatened by the still dangerous Golden Horde. France and England are set to begin a very long series of wars with each other, and in the Iberian peninsula, Castille, Aragon, and Portugal have emerged, but there is still a Moorish influence on the southern end. In Anatolia, The Byzantines have reformed from the ashes of the Latin and Nicene Empires, but the Ottomans have also appeared, ready to seize prominence. The Bahri Sultanate is the newest power in the Middle East, but they are still threatened, much like Northern Europe, by the Ilkhanate. Finally, in India, the Tughluq Khaganate is in control of much of the subcontinent, but the Yuan and the Ilkhanate are both in a prime position to threaten the Tughluq. Suggested Regions: Western Europe, Northern Europe, Eastern Europe, Middle East, India Crusader Kings II is so vast that all the possible tips can't fit into one reading, but we shall cover some more in other articles including tips on how to defeat “bosses” such as China, how to navigate some of the more convoluted event chains (such as the Immortality event chain) as well as the mystic orders and their rewards, and a how-to-guide on creating an immersive storyline to maximize your CKII experience.

Welcome To CSBD Have FUN

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Welcome TO CSBD Have FUN

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V1.Blur.Effect

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We’re on the eve of the 2019 SEMA Show, and Chevrolet is marking the occasion with a rather special one-off Camaro. Bow Tie fans know all about the COPO Camaros, built in limited numbers and earmarked specifically for NHRA drag racing competition. 69 such machines are slated for production in 2020, as-is the case every year. Technically speaking, 70 will come to life for 2020, but none of them are like this menacing black monster. That’s because it’s a one-off build that will head to Barrett-Jackson’s Scottsdale auction in January. It’s also special because it’s adorned with the name of John Force, a straight-up legend in the world of NHRA drag racing. The 16-time champion’s name is literally all over the car, which also wears a black/silver paint scheme with a red-trimmed interior. The exterior finish – sans the name, obviously – is actually available on the 69 production COPOs, along with Summit White, Satin Steel Gray, and Red. Seven additional heritage colors will also be on the options list. Two engine choices include a supercharged LSX-based 5.7-liter V8, or a naturally-aspirated 7.0-liter V8. Chevrolet's annual run of 69 COPO Camaros is an homage to when the first COPO appeared in 1969. As mentioned, this particular one-off John Force Edition is not considered part of the annual build. It's ultimately destined for Barrett-Jackson's big Scottsdale auction in January, and when it crosses the block, all proceeds from the sale will go to DonorsChoose.org. “This is a great-looking COPO Camaro, and I enjoyed helping design this car,” said John Force in a press release from Chevrolet. “The COPO Camaro is already a formidable car, and hard to beat on the track. But this one is even more special, as it will help support a cause I firmly believe in.” You can see the 2020 Chevrolet COPO Camaro this week at the 2019 SEMA Show in Las Vegas.

Grief and pain lay behind my obsession with buying new clothes. Moving in with my fiance forced me to shed the material burden, and the persona I had been hiding behind Iwas brought up with certain religious rules about what I could and could not wear – no bare arms, no bare legs – and, as a teenager, I longed for the sort of outfits I wasn’t allowed. Once, on a shopping trip to Birmingham with school friends, I tried on halter necks, short skirts and flimsy summer dresses in the Topshop changing rooms, just to see how they looked. I remember the wild excitement, gazing at a reflection that didn’t seem like me. I suppose this was the first time I realised that clothes meant I could pretend to be someone else. At university, my friends nicknamed me Fashion, because I was always buying new clothes. I had a weekend job at a bookshop and saved my meagre wages to purchase entire outfits: shoes, tops and bottoms, all chosen to be carefully put together in a way that I hoped looked effortless. I loved the way it felt when I received a compliment about my clothes. It was when I was studying for a masters in Paris that my obsession started to get out of hand. I felt out of depth on my politics course. My hours were long and intense. Making friends as a postgraduate was hard. I was lonely. More than once, I felt like giving up the course. My university was tucked down an elegant side street surrounded by boutiques filled with the sort of clothes that took my breath away. In these stores, the staff would compliment me on my taste and all my anxieties would vanish. I slipped purchases on my credit card, telling myself I would deal with it later. I reasoned that the money that most people spent on socialising, I could spend on clothes. My father fell gravely ill and I returned to England, worried, and scared, with a suitcase of beautiful clothes. When he died, I felt deeply alone and out of place, at this point in a new job and new city, trying to process the grief that I carried around inside me all day. Somehow, buying clothes took my pain away. I shopped online in my lunch break or on the way home. I didn’t particularly feel a thrill from the purchases. I just did it because it was something to do. My heart was heavy, but being able to mindlessly pick out a pretty top each morning meant that in that moment, I didn’t have to think about how lonely I felt. I accumulated so many clothes I had to order a spare wardrobe to hold everything. I was working in personal finance at the time and once wrote a piece about shopping addiction, acutely aware of the irony. “You try and substitute what you need to survive in the world with material goods,” a psychologist I interviewed told me. I knew what he meant – not to mention the environmental impact of buying so many clothes – and yet kept doing it anyway. I was careful not to fall into debt (and in this way, convinced myself it was not an addiction after all), but the cost of my purchases crept up. A Malene Birger dress, a Marc Jacobs coat, a Missoni skirt, a Mulberry bag. Eventually, I met someone who would become my fiance and for the first time in a long time, I didn’t feel lonely. Life became brighter, lighter, simpler. There was hope and possibility. I was to move in with him after our wedding, but there was one big problem – there definitely wouldn’t be enough room for all of my clothes. As I emptied my wardrobe, trying to pack for life as a newlywed, I felt repulsed and embarrassed by it all. Seeing my clothes, some still with tags on, in a messy heap made me realise that none of it meant anything at all. All it reminded me of was my loneliness, how I had tried to hide it, and also, the recklessness with which I had spent so much money. I didn’t want to start the next chapter of my life weighed down by a reminder of this sadness, packaged up in pretty clothes. So I invited friends over and let them pick whatever they wanted to keep. I sold the more expensive items to secondhand stores and donated the rest to charity. I kept around a tenth of my original wardrobe, none of it particularly fashionable at all. Eight years on, I still love shopping but I’m far more considered when I buy things. The act of giving away so many clothes was a way for me to shed all the layers of personas I had been hiding underneath for so long. I came to see that I didn’t have to dress up to pretend to be somebody else. That I didn’t have to hide any more. I could just be me, and that was more than good enough.

Editor of the Sunday Times who was at the helm during the fake Hitler diaries scandal of 1983 Frank Giles, who has died aged 100, enjoyed a lengthy and distinguished journalistic career that culminated in the editorship of the Sunday Times. But his short tenure in the chair was dogged by disputes with his proprietor, Rupert Murdoch, and then destroyed by the Hitler diaries fiasco. Giles was only partially to blame for the paper’s publication, in April 1983, of the forged diaries. He would later claim he had been steamrollered by Murdoch. His decision had rested on authentication by an academic regarded as the foremost authority on Nazi Germany, Hugh Trevor-Roper (Lord Dacre of Glanton). When Trevor-Roper changed his mind on the diaries’ legitimacy, he chose to tell the editor of the Times, Charles Douglas-Home, who did not pass the message on to Giles. It was not until the presses were rolling with the first extract that Giles learned of Trevor-Roper’s revised opinion. The drama, as recounted years later by Giles’s deputy, Brian MacArthur, was witnessed by Sunday Times executives who overheard Giles speaking to Trevor-Roper on the phone and noted the marked change in his tone of voice. “The office fell silent. ‘Well, naturally, Hugh, one has doubts … but I take it that these doubts aren’t strong enough to make you do a complete 180-degree turn on that? Oh. Oh. I see. You are doing a 180-degree turn.’” Two weeks later, the diaries were officially denounced by the German authorities as forgeries. The Sunday Times apologised to its readers. Trevor-Roper apologised to Giles. Murdoch, however, made no apology for removing Giles from the editor’s chair, giving him a two-year non-job as “editor emeritus”. Murdoch had been unhappy with Giles ever since appointing him in 1981 in succession to Harold Evans, whom he switched to the editorship of the Times. The two men could not have been more different. Giles was, according to a Sunday Times colleague, Magnus Linklater, “urbane, cultivated and unflappable … a somewhat Wodehousian character”. Murdoch viewed such laid-back qualities as examples of British upper-class weakness. It soon became clear that they had distinctly opposing opinions on the roles of owner and editor. Giles believed in editorial independence; Murdoch believed in proprietorial rights. While Giles did manage to resist Murdoch’s attempts to interfere in editorial content, he was forced to accede to his demands over executive appointments, reluctantly agreeing to fire the magazine editor, Ron Hall, and replace him with Murdoch’s choice, Peter Jackson. In what became something of a guerrilla war, Murdoch took to belittling Giles. He was in the habit of telling guests: “There goes Frank Giles, ruining a great newspaper.” It was an ignominious concluding chapter to Giles’s professional life. He was born in London, the son of a colonel in the Royal Engineers. His father, also Frank, died when he was 10, leaving the family in straitened circumstances and forcing his mother, Elgiva (nee Ackland-Allen), to take in lodgers. Even so, enough money was found to send Giles to Wellington college, Berkshire. Given that he suffered from poor health as a child, a bout of rheumatic fever having left him with a heart murmur, it was a surprising choice. Wellington was famous for its sporting prowess, which carried no interest for the aesthetic, academic Giles. He was lucky enough to be favoured by a teacher who helped him win a scholarship to Brasenose College, Oxford, to study history. His studies were cut short by the outbreak of the second world war. Unfit for military service, he was appointed as aide-de-camp to Major General Sir Denis Bernard when he became governor of Bermuda in 1939. Among their early visitors were the Duke and Duchess of Windsor. Giles recalled Bernard’s outrage when the Duke remarked: “If I’d been king there would have been no war.” Among other visiting dignitaries were Clement Attlee, Joseph Kennedy, who believed Britain would lose the war, and Sir Keith Murdoch, father of Rupert. On his return to Britain in 1942, Giles worked in the directorate of military operations at the war office, staying until demobilisation. He transferred to the foreign office, where, after the 1945 general election, he was one of the private secretaries to the foreign secretary, Ernest Bevin. He dined out on Bevin anecdotes, relishing his coarse jokes. On one occasion, while standing side by side with his boss at the urinal, Bevin said: “This is it, Giles, the socialist dream – the means of production in the hands of the people.” Giles’s diplomatic career ended when he failed the permanent foreign office examination. In 1946, he joined the Times as a subeditor. He was soon writing leader columns and a year later was appointed as assistant correspondent in Paris. A two-year stint in Rome followed before he returned in 1953 to Paris as the paper’s main correspondent. He witnessed the collapse, in 1958, of France’s fourth republic, the subject of one of his later books, and the return to power of Charles de Gaulle. His reporting was regarded as sober, balanced and well-sourced. In 1960, he was encouraged by Ian Fleming, the James Bond author who was working part-time as a consultant at the Sunday Times, to try for the post of foreign editor. Giles took up the post in 1961 – and was delighted by the change of atmosphere he found at the paper. The Sunday Times had become less formal and more populist in tone. He did not remain tied to his desk, winning plaudits for his coverage of the 1967 six-day war in Israel. In the same year, he held hopes of becoming editor. Instead, Evans got the job – and Giles accepted the deputy editorship. They proved to be a good team, playing to each other’s strengths, and enjoyed a terrific rapport. Their partnership ended when Murdoch acquired the Times and Sunday Times in 1981. After his retirement, Giles wrote several books, including a biography of Napoleon and an autobiography, Sundry Times. He married, in 1946, Lady Katherine (Kitty) Sackville, daughter of the 9th Earl De La Warr, who died in 2010. He is survived by his children, Belinda and Henry. Another daughter, Sarah, predeceased him.

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PM’s threat to pull deal if Corbyn rejects general election leaves Brussels in state of flux The EU’s plan to offer the UK an extension until 31 January on Friday is expected to be put on hold after Boris Johnson threatened to pull the Brexit deal if Jeremy Corbyn rejects a general election. Sources said the dramatic developments in Westminster needed to be fully understood and the choreography in Brussels could change. Donald Tusk, the European council chairman, had been expected to announce on Friday morning, following a meeting with ambassadors, that the EU27 had accepted the delay requested in a letter reluctantly sent by Johnson last Saturday. But senior EU sources said the developments in London had left the situation in flux. An announcement is expected on Monday or Tuesday. Suggestions that the Labour leader could reject Johnson’s demand for a general election on 12 December provoking the prime minister to pull his deal set alarm bells ringing. Sources said the French government wanted to see the outcome of the vote on a general election before making a decision, but that the other 26 member states were ready to grant the three-month extension. The final offer could differ from the extension requested in the Benn act by specifying that the UK could leave on 15 November if the deal was ratified in the UK and European parliament. Before Johnson’s ultimatum to the Labour leader, the EU looked set to offer a three-month extension, which could be cut short at the point at which the Brexit deal was ratified. It remains the most likely outcome. “We don’t want to be dragged into British politics and this is what was requested,” said one senior EU diplomat. “They can leave earlier if they ratify the deal. To echo your prime minister, we just want Brexit done.” But France’s EU minister, Amélie de Montchalin, told RTL radio that clarity over the next steps in London were needed for decisions to be made in “the next hours and days”. She said: “Our position is that simply giving more time – without political change, without ratification, without an election – would be useless … The French position is to give more time if it is justified, if we understand why more time is needed. That could be more time to ratify, because there’s a deal on the table. Or it could be because they say want to hold elections. Then we’ll look at that. “But it’s one thing to say we’d like to maybe have elections and another thing to say elections have been organised … Simply giving more time alone leads to getting stuck in a rut. If there’s a clear scenario that will change things, for example a ratification or elections – not just suggested but organised – then we can take decisions. “But we ask Britain for facts - we’re not in fictional politics, we need facts to make decisions. Decisions will be taken in the next hours and days in terms of what the UK parliament says and what has really been actioned [in the UK]”.

A leaked photo from a Facebook page called Evolve Automotive seems to show the rear end of the new BMW M3 sports sedan. The new M3 is based on the G80-generation BMW 3-series and will use a turbocharged inline-six that will make around 500 horsepower in the top version. Expect to see more about the M3 in the coming months, as it will arrive sometime in 2020 as a 2021 model. The newest BMW M3 sports sedan is coming into clearer focus if this leaked photo is to be believed. Published on Facebook, the image is seemingly taken on the assembly line and shows the rear end of what looks to be the hotted-up version of the G80-generation BMW 3-series. An aggressive-looking rear fascia with a diffuser, quad exhaust tips, and a rear lip spoiler show that the new M3 will look the part of a serious performance machine. Based on what we've heard about the mechanicals, it will have the chops to back up its looks. Not only will it share a powerful twin-turbocharged 3.0-liter inline-six engine with the monstrous X3 M and X4 M SUVs, it's also reported to offer a purist model with rear-wheel drive and a manual transmission. A rumored Competition spec with around 500 horsepower and standard all-wheel drive will be the most capable of the bunch, although the manual may not be available on this top-dog model. Non-Competition versions of the M3 will likely make around the same 473 hp as the standard M SUVs, still a healthy bump over the current M3 Competition's 444 hp.

Japanese clothing company pulls advertising from South Korean TV after outcry The Japanese clothing retailer Uniqlo has pulled an ad from South Korean TV after it was accused of mocking victims of wartime sexual slavery. The company said it had stopped airing the 15-second ad after critics pointed out that the Korean-language subtitles appeared to question the testimony of women who said they were forced to work in Japanese military brothels across Asia before and during the second world war. The decision comes after months of diplomatic wrangling between Tokyo and Seoul over the countries’ bitter wartime legacy. The dispute began after a South Korean supreme court ruling last year ordering Japanese companies to compensate Koreans forced to work in Japanese mines and factories when the Korean peninsula was a Japanese colony. But Japan insists that all compensation claims were settled by a postwar peace treaty. The decision triggered a trade spat that has since spread to the tourism sector, and even preparations for next summer’s Tokyo Olympics. In the ad, the 97-year-old model Iris Apfel is asked by the 13-year-old designer Kheris Rogers how she dressed when she was her age. Apfel replies: “I can’t remember that far back.” But the version with Korean subtitles gave Apfel’s reply as: “Oh my God, how can I remember what happened more than 80 years ago?” The Korea Herald said some viewers interpreted the time reference as an attempt to ridicule former sex slaves and forced labourers, whose recollections of abuses have been questioned by rightwing politicians and academics in Japan. In response, Uniqlo pulled the ad in South Korea and from its YouTube account days after it first appeared, but said it had not intended to cause offence. “The advertisement in question is a part of a global advertisement series to mark the 25th anniversary of fleece and it has no links to any political or religious agendas, belief or organisations, but we decided to stop airing the ad as we take it seriously that many people felt uncomfortable,” Uniqlo said. It said the Korean-language subtitles had been worded that way to highlight the age gap between Apfel and Rogers. Some historians say the Japanese imperial army coerced or tricked as many as 200,000 women and girls – most of them from Korea – to serve in frontline brothels. Uniqlo, which has 186 stores in South Korea, was already among several high-profile targets of a South Korean boycott of Japanese goods.

PM will seek to win two crucial votes on Tuesday in bid to leave EU by 31 October deadline Boris Johnson will make a final bid on Tuesday to force Brexit through by the 31 October “do or die” deadline, amid growing signs he will make a renewed push for a general election whether his deal passes or not. Johnson has already requested a delay to Brexit, by sending the letter to Brussels required by the backbench Benn act after MPs declined to support his deal on Saturday – something he said he would rather be “dead in a ditch” than do. But if the government can force its Brexit bill through parliament in time, the UK could in theory still leave the EU by next Thursday’s deadline. The prime minister will ask MPs to back him in two crucial votes on Tuesday – on the withdrawal agreement bill, enshrining the deal he struck in Brussels last week, and on his plan to ram it through the House of Commons by the end of Thursday. Johnson will tell MPs: “We have negotiated a new deal so that we can leave without disruption and provide a framework for a new relationship based on free trade and friendly cooperation. We are leaving the European Union but we will always be European”. Johnson’s plan to hold a “meaningful vote” on his deal on Monday was blocked by the Speaker, John Bercow, who said it would be “repetitive and disorderly” to go over the same ground as Saturday’s vote. With the backing of some Labour rebels and the Tories who backed Oliver Letwin’s amendment at the weekend, Johnson is expected to win the vote on his bill known as the second reading, signalling MPs’ approval for it to proceed in principle. But Downing Street is braced for potential defeat on the so-called programme motion setting out the timetable, as it suspects some pro-deal Labour MPs and a few Conservatives may not support plans to rush it through the Commons within days. Veteran Conservative Ken Clarke said: ““Unless you are prepared to contemplate more expansive debate, there is not the slightest possibility of considering the deal that has been obtained within the time available.” The independent unionist MP Sylvia Hermon, who voted for Theresa May’s Brexit deal three times, said: “I would very much like the prime minister to come to Northern Ireland to explain in detail to the people why they only deserve three days’ consideration of the major changes to them and how this bill will affect their futures.” The DUP’s chief whip, Jeffrey Donaldson, said: “I have to say to the leader of the house quite frankly that what he’s proposing in terms of proper scrutiny of this bill does not do justice to what the constituents that I represent need.” If the programme motion falls, the government has little chance of “getting Brexit done”, as Johnson calls it, by 31 October. If the bill continues its passage, groups of MPs are likely to try to amend the legislation – with Labour hoping to push for a customs union and for a second referendum to be attached. Johnson has repeatedly insisted that he could not live with a customs union, as have several key cabinet ministers including Dominic Raab and Priti Patel. If such an amendment passed, he would face the choice of accepting it or making a fresh bid to call a general election. One Conservative adviser said pro-Brexit cabinet ministers and Tory backbenchers would never be able to live with a customs union attached to the bill, so it was “not going to happen”. The aide said this scenario would probably lead to renewed push for an election, with Conservative party headquarters still preparing for a pre-Christmas poll – regardless of whether the Brexit bill passes or not. He also suggested that, with an election on the way, Johnson could part ways with Dominic Cummings, his controversial chief adviser, who had only ever planned to stay until Brexit was done and is due to have a major operation. “Boris created the monster, so Boris could slay it,” the aide said, arguing that it could be an olive branch to former Tories who lost the whip and part of his pivot to a more centrist position on domestic issues. Johnson has struck a notably more emollient tone in recent days, stressing his “love” of Europe and dialling down his criticism of the “surrender act”. Another senior Conservative suggested Johnson’s team believed they were in a strong position, even if he broke his promise of achieving Brexit by 31 October. “In any of the scenarios now, we’re probably quite well-placed,” he said. He added that the passing of the Letwin amendment on Saturday, withholding support from Johnson’s deal until the legislation is through parliament, would help Johnson to blame troublemaking MPs for the delay. “Letwin’s given us quite a lot of cover on this,” he said. The 110-page withdrawal agreement bill was published on Monday evening. It confirms that MPs will have the opportunity to vote on what the government’s mandate should be for the next phase of negotiations. And, as the government announced on Friday, ministers will have to seek the support of parliament when they depart from EU standards on workers’ rights. The legislation may alarm some Eurosceptics by confirming - as Theresa May conceded back in 2017 - that EU law will continue to hold sway during the transition period. The transition is due to end in December 2020, but could be extended by two years with parliament’s approval. Some Conservative MPs, including the former chancellor Philip Hammond, are seeking reassurances that the government will request such an extension if no trade deal has been agreed in time. MPs’ concerns about the risks of rushing through the bill were underlined on Monday when the chancellor, Sajid Javid, conceded to MPs on the Treasury select committee that he had no plans to carry out a detailed economic assessment of the deal, which he claimed was “self-evidently in our economic interest”. The shadow chancellor, John McDonnell, accused Javid of “flying blind on a massive decision on the future of the economy”. The government’s claims that the Brexit bill could be properly scrutinised within three days was further undermined when Steve Barclay, the Brexit secretary, blundered over the implications of the bill for Northern Ireland, suggesting even he was not on top of the detail. In a Lords EU committee, he initially claimed that Northern Ireland businesses would not have to fill out customs declarations to send goods to the rest of the UK. But after correction from the Treasury, he said: “The exit summary declarations will be required.” The admission provoked fury from the DUP, with one of the party’s 10 MPs, Gavin Robinson, demanding: “Is it the case that Northern Ireland goods will require customs declarations to enter what is supposed to be unfettered access to the rest of their own country?” Conservative whips are seeking to warn MPs in their party that voting against the programme motion risks scuppering the bill. The leader of the House of Commons, Jacob Rees-Mogg, said: “People who don’t vote for the programme motion will be voting not to have Brexit on 31 October.”

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