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It is thought more than 200,000 badgers have been culled in the past decade. Photograph: Roy Waller/Alamy Badger culling will end in England by 2029, the government has said. Some culls under existing licences will continue until 2026, according to sources at the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (Defra), but it is highly unlikely any new ones will be granted. The National Farmers’ Union has been lobbying government to keep the badger cull until there is definitive proof bovine tuberculosis (bTB) can be stopped without killing badgers. However, Defra ministers have said not enough research has been done in recent years to find out whether badgers carry the disease. It is thought more than 200,000 badgers have been culled in the past decade, and the government will commission a po[CENSORED]tion survey to ascertain the damage the cull has done to wildlife po[CENSORED]tions. The last such survey was carried out in 2012. It will also create a badger vaccination taskforce and set up a scientific survey to find out whether wild badgers are carrying bTB. Daniel Zeichner, the minister for food security and rural affairs, said: “Bovine tuberculosis has devastated British farmers and wildlife for far too long. It has placed dreadful hardship and stress on farmers who continue to suffer the loss of valued herds and has taken a terrible toll on our badger po[CENSORED]tions. “No more. Our comprehensive TB eradication package will allow us to end the badger cull by the end of this parliament and stop the spread of this horrific disease.” Campaigners have called for Labour to move faster. Peter Hambly, the chief executive of the Badger Trust, said: “The new announcement … focuses too much on badgers rather than cattle, when it is cattle that are the main spreaders of this cattle disease. It admits the government doesn’t know how many badgers are left or how many even have bTB. They haven’t counted them and haven’t tested them but continue to slaughter them. “[This is] contrary to the scientific evidence which points to reducing cattle-to-cattle transmission as the way forward. In the election campaign, Labour admitted badger culling was ineffective, yet they have chosen to target badgers for slaughter in their tens of thousands.” https://www.theguardian.com/environment/article/2024/aug/30/badger-culling-end-england-2029-government-says

Afghan citizens deboard a US evacuation flight from Kabul in southern Spain on August 31, 2021 [Jon Nazca/Reuters] Washington, DC – Nasrin will not be able to vote in the United States elections in November. Still, the 27-year-old has a message for the presidential candidates, on behalf of Afghans like herself who fled as the US withdrew its troops from Afghanistan in August 2021. “I really want them to hear us, especially to hear those voices that worked for the US,” Nasrin, who asked to use a pseudonym, told Al Jazeera. Friday marks three years since the last American soldiers left Afghanistan, ending a two-decade military presence that began with the toppling of the Taliban government in 2001. But the chaotic nature of the military withdrawal — and the swift reestablishment of Taliban rule — have cast a long shadow over US politics. A source of ongoing bipartisan criticism, the withdrawal has become a prominent talking point in the 2024 presidential race, with Democrats and Republicans exchanging blame for the lives lost during the troops’ departure. But Afghans like Nasrin say there is an important perspective lost in the election-year sparring: theirs. “This election is not only important for America. It’s also important for Afghans,” said Nasrin, who lives in the San Francisco Bay Area in California. “For Afghans who immigrated here and for Afghans in Afghanistan … especially the women, this election will have a huge impact.” A 2021 protest in Los Angeles called for an ‘open door’ policy for Afghan evacuees and expedited processing of immigration cases [File: Ringo HW Chiu/Reuters] Two parties, one controversy What happened in 2021 is a story that embroils the central players in this year’s presidential race. In 2020, the administration of Republican President Donald Trump reached a controversial agreement with the Taliban to withdraw all US forces from Afghanistan within 14 months. A few months later, Trump lost his bid for re-election. His successor, Democratic President Joe Biden, oversaw a mad-dash evacuation of US citizens, coalition allies and tens of thousands of vulnerable Afghans as the deadline loomed. By August 2021, the Taliban had swept across the country in a lightning offensive, reclaiming its former power. Its forces entered the Afghan capital Kabul on August 15. The last US plane flew out of the city on August 30. In those final days, a bomb attack killed about 170 Afghans hoping to enter the airport, as well as 13 members of the US military. Government investigators have blamed the administrations of both Biden and Trump for the chaotic situation: Trump for reaching an agreement seen as favouring the Taliban and Biden for moving forward with the plan without putting in safeguards to stop the Taliban. Trump has also faced criticism for limiting the pathways for Afghans to escape to the US. He is now, once again, the Republican candidate for president. Meanwhile, Biden’s vice president, Kamala Harris, is heading the Democratic ticket. A lingering failure But advocates say both parties must still confront an enduring dilemma: how to protect the hundreds of thousands of Afghans who fear repression under the Taliban. Many who were left behind are considered likely targets for the Taliban, especially if they worked for the US military or the US-backed government. Even among those who were evacuated, many have been left in perpetual uncertainty, with no clear path to US residency or citizenship. Others have found the legal pathways to the US too narrow and have sought more dangerous routes to enter the country. For her part, Nasrin said she worked as an interpreter for the US embassy in Kabul. After fleeing, she was able to become a US resident through a “Special Immigrant Visa” (SIV) programme designated for Afghans who worked for the US government. Another evacuee, who asked to be identified only as Nazanin, fled Kabul on an evacuation flight with her 16-year-old sister following the Taliban’s rise. She has since been granted asylum in the US, but she said she sees only broken promises from both parties as many other Afghans both in the US and in Afghanistan have been left in the lurch. “I don’t think Afghan voices are being heard by politicians,” she told Al Jazeera. “My message to the presidential candidates is that you do not represent the majority of the refugee society or Americans that I know or see their perspective on social media platforms and that your false promises are noted.” Inadequate immigration pathways Arash Azizzada — the executive director of Afghans for a Better Tomorrow, an advocacy group — said members of the Afghan community in the US, like him, feel a “sense of anger and disappointment” this election season “when we look at both candidates”. “We are feeling pretty invisible this election season,” he added. Azizzada’s group has spent the last three years pushing for more immigration pathways for those fleeing the Taliban, including an increase in special visas for Afghans who worked directly with the US and pathways to permanent residency for other evacuees. But little progress has been made, Azizzada explained. “It has been the hallmark of Biden’s presidency to consider anything related to Afghanistan radioactive,” Azizzada said. “And Democrats have gone through this election season with barely any mention of Afghanistan or the Afghan people.” That includes not mentioning the 160,000 Afghans who have been successfully relocated to the US since the withdrawal, something Azizzada argues could be framed as a victory for Democrats. The Biden administration has upscaled the processing of Special Immigrant Visa applications, which had all but ground to a halt under Trump. Still, as of March, 60,230 applicants had submitted all the required paperwork and were awaiting initial approval to move ahead with the process, according to the US State Department. Another 75,000 were also in the process of applying. The administration has also increased refugee processing for Afghans, with 11,168 refugees admitted so far in fiscal year 2024. That is up from approximately 6,500 admitted in fiscal year 2023 and just over 1,600 in the immediate wake of the withdrawal, in fiscal year 2022. Critics nevertheless say legal pathways for vulnerable Afghans are still woefully inadequate. Afghanistan as a ‘cudgel’ While Democrats have been largely silent on the subject of the Afghanistan withdrawal, Azizzada noted that Republicans have embraced the subject this election cycle — but only as a “partisan cudgel and tool”. That was apparent on Monday, as Trump hosted a campaign event at Arlington National Cemetery in Virginia. He joined the families of several soldiers who were killed at the Kabul airport for a memorial ceremony there. Hours later, Trump gave a speech to a conference of National Guard members in Detroit. Faced with military members and their families, he highlighted the Democrats’ role in the Afghanistan troop withdrawal. “Caused by Kamala Harris, Joe Biden, the humiliation in Afghanistan set off the collapse of American credibility and respect all around the world,” Trump told the crowd. He pledged to “get the resignations of every single senior official who touched the Afghanistan calamity, to be on my desk at noon on Inauguration Day”. In a subsequent statement, Harris defended the withdrawal, saying the Biden administration “has demonstrated we can still eliminate terrorists, including the leaders of al-Qaeda and ISIS, without troops deployed into combat zones”. For Azizzada, one word best describes the absence of any mention of Afghans in the election discourse: “dehumanising”. A political opportunity? Still, some advocates have seen reason for hope in the inclusion of Afghans in the Democratic National Committee’s policy platform, released earlier this month. It calls for the “provisions to streamline applications of at-risk Afghan allies” through the US refugee programme and “a process for Afghan evacuees to have their status adjusted to lawful permanent resident”. Many Afghans evacuated during the troop withdrawal were granted access to the US through the “humanitarian parole” programme, which allows them to live and work in the country. However, it offers no pathway to permanent residency. Legislation known as the Afghan Adjustment Act, that would create that pathway — as well as other means of support for Afghans in the US — has continued to languish in Congress. Joseph Azam, a lawyer and chair of the Afghan-American Foundation, said the legislation has stalled in the “headwinds” of a deep partisan divide over immigration. Republicans, he explained, have largely opposed increasing immigration. Democrats, meanwhile, “have lurched to the right” on the issue. “Any kind of signal that they have empathy — or there are carve-outs, or there are people to whom this increasingly extreme approach to immigration does not apply — is seen as politically wrong,” Azam said. Nevertheless, Azam argued the candidates should view the issue as a political opportunity rather than an albatross. He pointed out that influential veterans groups support increased immigration pathways for Afghans who worked alongside the US military, including through the Afghan Adjustment Act. Veterans, he added, are also a powerful voting bloc in swing states like Pennsylvania, North Carolina and Georgia. “The five or six states that are probably going to decide this election happen to also have some of the largest po[CENSORED]tions of US veterans,” Azam said. “If you can move a couple thousand people and their families on this issue in a key state, that’s the election, right?” ‘Honours its pledges’ When asked about the issues they want to hear on the campaign trail, advocates for Afghan refugees named a myriad: from immigration reform to increased funding for resettlement services. In her work, for instance, immigration lawyer Laila Ayub helps lead Project ANAR, a nonpartisan non-profit group that provides legal services to recently arrived Afghans. She told Al Jazeera that, with few options to migrate legally, Afghans are making treacherous journeys across the southern US border. That leaves her concerned about the emphasis this election season on border and asylum restrictions. “Afghan Americans, like myself, are voters, and we need to hear proactive support for our community, not just in terms of a national security framing,” she said. “Our community was impacted by decades of US foreign policy and military presence, and that there’s historical precedent for enacting protections.” Naheed Samadi Bahram, the US country director for the nonpartisan community group Women for Afghan Women, said she hopes for a presidential candidate who “cares about women’s rights, somebody who cares about the immigrants’ rights”. She spoke to Al Jazeera just days after the Taliban published a new raft of “vice and virtue” laws, which bans women from being heard in public, among other restrictions. Bahram added that she would like to see more funding for legal and mental health services for Afghans in the US. Many community groups rely mostly on donations from foundations and individuals, she explained. “I’m hopeful for this election, and I hope that the election will bring a lot of life into the situation in Afghanistan and to the evacuation process,” she said. Still, she acknowledged, “it will be very difficult”. Khalil Anwari, who works for the US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants, a nonpartisan non-profit, said candidates should view support for Afghans as sending a wider message to the world about the strength of US ideals. “For many years, the US — when it comes to being a place of refuge — globally, it has been the leading country. However, in the past couple of years, based on policies that were undertaken, it has lost that status,” said Anwari, who also fled Afghanistan on an evacuation flight following the Taliban takeover. Providing opportunities for Afghans to seek safety is a way the US can regain that status and bolster its standing on the world stage, he explained. “This goes hand in hand with the understanding that the US honours its pledges to their allies,” Anwari said. “That is seen by people all over the world when the pledges that are made are honoured.” https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/8/30/afghanistan-is-a-us-election-issue-will-its-refugees-voices-be-heard

The United Nations, in collaboration with Palestinian health authorities, has officially begun a campaign to vaccinate children in the Gaza Strip against the poliovirus, which can cause paralysis of the limbs or even death in children. This comes after the virus, previously defeated in the enclave following a mass vaccination drive, was discovered last month after 25 years. The detection of the polio case highlights the collapse of Gaza’s health infrastructure due to almost 11 months of nonstop Israeli bombardment. What is polio and how is it back in Gaza? Polio is a serious infection that can spread quickly, especially in unhygienic conditions, as it can be transmitted through contact with excrement. It can also spread through coughs and sneezes, though it is less common. Most people do not exhibit symptoms after contracting the virus, with some showing mild, flu-like symptoms like high temperature, fatigue and headaches that usually last up to 10 days. But the virus can also affect the brain and nerves, leading to paralysis and in some cases even death. The Israeli military has destroyed water supply and wastewater disposal networks across the Palestinian territory, with waste accumulating near tiny areas where hundreds of thousands of civilians are forcibly displaced. According to the Government Media Office in Gaza, the Israeli army has also stopped transferring the waste away from civilian areas by imposing control over waste dumps and targeting municipality workers, machinery and mechanisms in place to manage waste. Abdel-Rahman Abu el-Jedian, a 10-month-old Palestinian, became partially paralysed last month after contracting polio, which he had been unable to receive because his family was repeatedly displaced as a result of Israeli military operations. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), an interruption in routine immunisation campaigns in the occupied Palestinian territory, including Gaza, has contributed to its re-emergence. How will the vaccination campaign work? About 2,700 health workers are involved in the campaign, backed by the WHO, UNICEF and the UN’s agency for Palestinian refugees or UNRWA in collaboration with the Ministry of Health in Gaza. It formally started in the central part of the enclave on Sunday, where it would last through September 4, before moving to Khan Younis and Rafah in the south (September 5-8) and northern Gaza governorates (September 9-12). A handful of children were given the first few doses at Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis on Saturday before the large-scale rollout started. Some 640,000 children aged between one day and 10 years will receive the type two poliovirus vaccine, to be administered as two oral drops. Is there a truce during the vaccination drive? Fighting has been paused in a few designated areas of the Strip to allow health centres to administer the doses. But any reports of a general ceasefire in the enclave are false, according to the office of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. “Israel will allow only a humanitarian corridor through which the vaccinators will pass and demarcated areas will be established that will be safe for administering the vaccine for a few hours,” it said in a statement on Sunday. “Israel sees importance in preventing the outbreak of polio in the Gaza Strip including in order to prevent the spread of epidemics in the region.” According to the UN, the initial length of the “humanitarian pause” agreed to allow the vaccination is from 6am to 3pm (09:00-18:00 GMT) every day. Top UN officials have earlier emphasised that the only effective way to vaccinate all children against the virus and a variety of other virulent diseases spreading through Gaza is by achieving an immediate and lasting ceasefire. Are the vaccines safe? According to the UN, news stories appeared online in Israel and the United States, quoting Israeli scientists falsely asserting that the polio vaccine slated to be used in Gaza is “experimental” and a danger to citizens in both Palestine and Israel. “I want to make the following clear: the safest and most effective way to protect children against the poliovirus, regardless of the variant, is to vaccinate them,” UN spokesperson Stephane Dujarric told reporters in New York last week. “This vaccine is safe. It is effective, and it offers top-quality protection. It is a vaccine globally recommended for variant type two poliovirus outbreaks by the World Health Organization.” Dujarric said more than 1.2 billion doses of the same vaccine have been used to protect children in some 40 countries after it was rolled out in March 2021. What are the hurdles? Will the drive help prevent polio breakout? Chessa Latifi, the deputy director of emergency preparedness and response at Project HOPE, said war, forced displacement and the breakdown of the healthcare system in Gaza could hinder the vaccination drive. “I believe it’s going to [be] really unlikely for the vaccine campaign to reach the 90 percent of children that need to be vaccinated,” Latifi told Al Jazeera from Los Angeles. “There’s just no guarantee of safety. These people that need to bring their children to these clinics – first of all, do they have access to the clinics? Do they have fuel or the means to get to the clinics? Is it safe? Is it safe for the staff to get to the clinics? I know that we’ve got these brief humanitarian pauses. But is it sufficient? No,” she said. Latifi, whose organisation operates in Gaza, also said the vaccination drive alone would not help prevent the spread of the virus. “The vaccine campaign doesn’t address the core issue, which is the lack of hygiene, sanitation and clean water,” she said. “Because if we had those components – the clean water, the proper facilities for bathing and latrines – we wouldn’t have polio. But this infrastructure has been completely destroyed. You have people living in these ad hoc camps. It’s a really really dangerous situation.” https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/9/1/what-to-know-about-the-polio-vaccination-campaign-in-gaza

Music title: Billboard Hot 100 - Top 50 Singles (8/3/2024) Signer: Top50Singles Release date: 2024/07/30 Official YouTube link:

Nick movie: TERRIFIER 3 Time: Movie Trailers Source Netflix / Amazon / HBO: Duration of the movie: 2 mins - 30 sec. Trailer:

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The 2024 McLaren 750S is now the quickest rear-wheel-drive car we've ever tested, accelerating from zero to 60 mph in 2.3 seconds. The 750S is a tenth quicker to 60 mph than the Ferrari 296GTB, but the Ferrari pulls ahead by a tenth at the quarter-mile, with a 9.7-second run at 150 mph. The Ferrari betters the McLaren under braking too, although the 750S posted more grip on our skidpad than the 296GTB. It's been less than a year since the hybrid Ferrari 296GTB set a new record as the quickest rear-wheel-drive car ever tested by Car and Driver. Now, the Prancing Horse has been dethroned by our new acceleration champion, the McLaren 750S. Whereas the Ferrari features an electrically assisted V-6 with 819 total horsepower, the McLaren cranks out 740 horses and 590 pound-feet of torque from a twin-turbocharged 4.0-liter V-8. Despite giving up 79 horsepower to the 296GTB, the 750S's lighter curb weight (3206 pounds versus the Ferrari's 3532 pounds) helped it hit 60 mph in just 2.3 seconds, a tenth of a second ahead of its Italian rival. A key to the McLaren's record-setting run to 60 mph is its "rolling burnout" function. This somewhat hidden feature is activated when stability control is fully off and the driver pins the throttle. The engine then takes a beat to build boost before unleashing all that torque on the rear tires in a fit of rage, creating a cloud of tire smoke behind. Not only is this good for attracting attention, but it scrubs debris from the tires to prepare them for an optimum launch. Testing director Dave VanderWerp, who piloted the 750S during its test, noted that cleaning the tires with this method was worth around a tenth and a half off the 750S's zero-to-60 time. However, the McLaren's slight advantage over the Ferrari didn't last as it kept accelerating. By 70 mph, the two cars were neck and neck. At 100 mph, the Ferrari nosed back ahead, needing 4.7 ticks to get to that mark versus the McLaren's 4.8 seconds. The Ferrari also still holds the record in the quarter-mile sprint, covering 1320 feet in 9.7 seconds and crossing the line at 150 mph. The McLaren's time is close behind, with a 9.8-second run at 145 mph, but a tenth of a second off is still a loss. The Ferrari also outperformed the McLaren in our 5-to-60-mph blast, which is meant to emulate the sort of acceleration you might experience when mashing the throttle from a dead stop. The 750S required 3.3 seconds to complete the dash, while the 296GTB did it in 3.0 seconds flat. The Ferrari also blitzed the McLaren in our top-gear passing tests. The McLaren did the 30-to-50-mph run in 2.4 seconds and the 50-to-70-mph run in 2.3 seconds. The Ferrari completed the same passes in just 1.9 and 2.1 seconds, respectively, thanks to its quick-acting electric assist. When it comes time to shed that speed, the hybrid Ferrari still holds an advantage. The 296GTB needed just 130 feet to stop from 70 mph, whereas the 750S took 136 feet. When braking from 100 mph, the Ferrari came to a standstill in 245 feet, 19 feet shorter than the McLaren. Both cars use carbon-ceramic brake rotors with six-piston front calipers and four-piston rear clampers, and both roll on extremely grippy tires, with the McLaren using Pirelli P Zero Trofeo Rs and the Ferrari shod in Michelin Pilot Sport Cup 2R rubber. Still, the Ferrari isn't the shortest-stopping car we've tested; the C7 Corvette ZR1 holds that crown, with a 127-foot stop from 70 mph. Still, the McLaren's wins aren't limited to the zero-to-60-mph run. The 750S weighs 326 pounds less than the Ferrari, which likely helped it post more cornering grip on our 300-foot skidpad (1.13 g's versus 1.12 g's). With lightweight supercars seemingly on the brink of extinction, we're just happy McLaren didn't saddle the 750S with the extra poundage of electric motors and battery packs—and that paid off at our test track. https://www.caranddriver.com/news/a61996026/2024-mclaren-750s-quickest-rwd-acceleration-test/

Arsenal’s Declan Rice is stunned after being shown a second yellow card by the referee Chris Kavanagh. Photograph: Dylan Martinez/Reuters For Mikel Arteta, this was a timely reminder of just how fine the margins can be. With his side leading 1-0 thanks to Kai Havertz’s sublime lob in the first half, the Arsenal manager could have been forgiven for thinking his side were on their way to a third successive victory to start the season after securing the surprise loan signing of Raheem Sterling from Chelsea on deadline day. Yet only four minutes of the second half had been played when disaster struck as Declan Rice was sent off in a bizarre moment when he tangled with Brighton’s Joël Veltman as he tried to take a free-kick. João Pedro went on to equalise for Fabian Hürzeler’s side as they kept pace with Arsenal and maintained their unbeaten record despite both sides having chances to claim all three points late on. But it was Rice’s red card – the first of his Premier League career – that proved to be the game’s turning point and referee Chris Kavanagh left the pitch with boos from the home fans ringing in his ears while facing a flurry of questions from a furious Arteta failing to keep control of a fiery contest. There had been an extra loud cheer before kick-off when Sterling’s name was announced along with fellow new signings Mikel Merino and goalkeeper Neto. Arteta had hoped the Spain midfielder would have been on the bench until he sustained an unfortunate shoulder injury during his first training session on Thursday and as such he had to settle for a seat in the stands. The only change from Arsenal’s win at Aston Villa last week was to bring in Leandro Trossard for Gabriel Martinelli. Several of Brighton’s new arrivals have also been sidelined, with Turkey defender Ferdi Kadioglu ruled out after picking up an injury in training on Friday. That meant Jack Hinshelwood continued to deputise at left-back and he needed a pep talk from Hürzeler after 15 minutes of being run ragged by Bukyao Saka when a crestfallen James Milner had to limp off. With new central midfield signings Matt O’Riley and Mats Wieffer also unavailable after joining this summer, Brighton had to turn to substitute Yasin Ayari to fill the void alongside fellow 20-year-old Carlos Baleba. The visitors managed to test David Raya when Yankuba Minteh headed João Pedro’s deep cross towards goal. Despite being on the receiving end of a bad tackle from Minteh, Martin Ødegaard continued to lead Arsenal’s energetic press. Brighton were slowly beginning to establish their rhythm and an attack started by Baleba eventually ended up with Kaoru Mitoma flashing a volley just past the post. But they had no one to blame but themselves for falling behind seven minutes before the break. Lewis Dunk was far too casual in dealing with a hopeful ball forward and inexplicably ducked out of the way rather than heading the ball. Saka sensed his chance, spinning in behind him and then playing in Havertz to execute a brilliant lobbed finish over Bart Verbruggen. Hürzeler’s frustrations boiled over soon after when he was booked for protesting that a yellow card shown to Rice for a lunge on Veltman should have resulted in a heavier punishment. Brighton’s João Pedro celebrates equalising as his side capitalise on a rebound. Photograph: Alastair Grant/AP It needed Hinshelwood to hack away Rice’s goalbound shot following a lovely flowing move featuring a backheel from Jurrien Timber as Arsenal came out strongly after the break. Yet the England midfielder’s afternoon took a dramatic turn not long after when he was sent off after being shown a second yellow card following a bizarre incident involving Veltman. The Brighton defender had been awarded a free-kick but Rice tried to kick the ball away and was himself kicked by Veltman at the same time, with Kavanagh ruling that only the Arsenal midfielder deserved a yellow card. The home fans were understandably upset and their mood towards the officials only darkened when Dunk redeemed his mistake by playing a straight ball right through the middle of Arsenal’s defence to Danny Welbeck. His shot was saved but João Pedro gobbled up the rebound – the first goal Arsenal have conceded this season. Arteta’s response was to bring on Riccardo Calafiori and switch to a back five, with Ødegaard just unable to pick out the Italy defender for a chance when he made a lung-bursting run down the left flank. It was all hands to the pump as Brighton continued to build the pressure, although Havertz was denied by Verbruggen’s outstretched leg before Saka failed to convert another decent chance on the break. Georginio Rutter and Baleba both blazed over late on after Gabriel had blocked the latter’s shot with his stomach. But Arsenal stood firm and at least had the consolation of a point from a game they had looked destined to win. https://www.theguardian.com/football/article/2024/aug/31/arsenal-brighton-premier-league-match-report

Romesh Ranganathan: ‘I’m lazy, disorganised and lucky.’ Photograph: Alex Lake/The Guardian Born in West Sussex, Romesh Ranganathan, 46, was a maths teacher before he became a standup, and then presenter of TV shows Asian Provocateur, The Misadventures of Romesh Ranganathan and The Ranganation. In 2021, he became host of The Weakest Link. His autobiography is titled Straight Outta Crawley and last year he published a children’s book, Lil’ Muffin Drops the Mic. Rob and Romesh Vs, the seventh series of his Bafta award-winning show with Rob Beckett, is on Sky. Ranganathan is married with three children and lives in West Sussex. What is your greatest fear? My children ending up anything like me. What is your earliest memory? Being at the end of my mum’s bed tickling her feet, and her kicking me in the face by accident. What is the trait you most deplore in yourself? My complete lack of organisation that affects all part of my life – my living space, my being in touch with people, everything. I am a walking shitshow. What is the trait you most deplore in others? Their inability to deal with my disorganisation. What was your most embarrassing moment? I was once walking through Edinburgh with someone in the industry. I was quite drunk and I slowly wet myself. Aside from a property, what’s the most expensive thing you’ve bought? The arcade game, Guitar Hero. I’ve got the full unit in my house. It’s so sad. Describe yourself in three words: Lazy, disorganised and lucky. What do you most dislike about your appearance? The fact that regardless of how much I exercise or how much I monitor my diet, I still have a stomach that obscures any logo on my boxer shorts. What is your most unappealing habit? Trimming my beard and paying no mind as to where the cuttings go. What did you want to be when you were growing up? A comedian or rapper. You can tell by the way I’m dressed that I’m a frustrated rapper. What is the worst thing anyone’s said to you? My wife when I tried out some new material on her, said: “I’m sure the people who like you would like that.” Would you choose fame or anonymity? I’m actually very shy. If I was able to sell tours but I could also be anonymous, that would be the ideal. What is your guiltiest pleasure? Watching Vanderpump Rules. What do you owe your parents? A level of self-worth that’s come from them telling me that they love me all the time. To whom would you most like to say sorry, and why? When I was 17 I launched into a rant at my dad about what I thought of him. We never spoke about it again and then he passed away. I would love to say sorry to him. What is the worst job you’ve done? I worked at KFC, as a vegetarian, doing Friday and Saturday nights. How often do you have sex? Not often enough. Our children are at an age now – 14, 12 and nine – where that is incredibly dangerous. The other night, about midnight, one of my kids walked into the bedroom, and said: “I’m looking for a phone charger.” And after he left, I said to my wife, “I’m not going to have an erection in this room for another year.” What has been your closest brush with the law? My dad went to prison and I did visit him a fair bit. But my closest brush with the law was after me and a couple of friends were racially abused in a pub. We went back after it had closed, and started throwing stones at the pub and they called the police and we did a runner. Tell us a joke Why did the monkey get lost? Because jungle is massive. Tell us a secret The other day, because I hadn’t packed properly, I wore the same pants two days in a row, and it really affected me psychologically. https://www.theguardian.com/lifeandstyle/article/2024/aug/31/rometh-ranganathan-interview

A wood warbler, first identified as a distinct species by the parson‑naturalist Gilbert White in the 18th century. Photograph: Rick Beven The departure of our warblers in autumn is an exfiltration quite unlike the noisy invasion of their arrival in spring. The migration of the Phylloscopus, or leaf warblers, has begun and our observatory on the Kent coast has been catching and ringing large numbers of willow warblers and chiffchaffs on their way to their wintering grounds in west Africa and southern Europe. Today, however, there was a rather more uncommon warbler in the mist net when we went to check. From a distance it had the fresh yellow jizz of a willow warbler, but my ringing companion, a retired vicar, drew my attention to its white belly. It was a wood warbler, first identified as a distinct species by the parson‑naturalist Gilbert White in the 18th century. He was the first person to discern, through careful observation of their song and behaviour, that the “willow wren” was in fact three distinct species: the willow warbler, the chiffchaff and the wood warbler. White’s clerical successor carefully extracted our warbler from the mist net and placed it in a small cotton bag. A trainee ringer, an ecology student, was given the task of ringing the wood warbler. She used an AA ring – the smallest standard ring in use – and fitted it carefully it around the warbler’s right leg with a special pair of pliers. Then she measured the length of its wing, meticulously inspected its feathers and body to gauge its age and condition, then weighed it on a set of digital scales. Our wood warbler weighed 9.9 grams – not a lot for a bird that will fly across the Sahara in a single flight, en route to its wintering grounds in the tropical forests of Liberia and Sierra Leone. A ringer also has the privilege of releasing the bird they have ringed. All the trainees trooped outside to say goodbye. We knew it was this year’s brood and would be making its 6,000km journey on its own, with everything it needed to know about its route already genetically hardwired within it. She opened her hand and the wood warbler took off – all our slender knowledge about it contained on the tiny metal alloy ring around its leg. Country diary is on Twitter/X at @gdncountrydiary Under the Changing Skies: The Best of the Guardian’s Country Diary, 2018-2024 (Guardian Faber) is published on 26 September; pre-order now at the guardianbookshop.com and get a 20% discount https://www.theguardian.com/environment/article/2024/aug/31/country-diary-this-bird-is-about-to-fly-non-stop-to-the-sahara-desert

Israel’s military is conducting raids in Jenin, in the occupied West Bank, blocking access to aid for Palestinians in the besieged refugee camp on the fourth day of its assault. Dozens of Israeli soldiers were stationed on the outskirts of the Jenin refugee camp, with Israeli military jeeps and armoured personnel carriers moving into the area. Israeli forces blew up homes in the Jabriyat neighbourhood of the camp as they extended their largest military assault on Palestinian territory in more than 20 years. Reporting from Jenin, Al Jazeera’s Nour Odeh said, “Jenin is a ghost town. All of the shops are closed. Nobody is leaving their homes.” Paramedics were struggling to contact people in the camp with telecommunications blocked. “Palestinian residents continue to plea to have access to food, water and paramedics,” said Odeh. “This is day four, and the residents of the refugee camp have pretty much no access to any outside help.” Several gun battles between Palestinian fighters and Israeli soldiers have been reported in Jenin, Odeh reported, adding that videos on social media show extensive damage in the area. The armed wing of Hamas said its members have “engaged in armed clashes” with Israeli forces in the village of Kafr Dan, which is located to the west of the city. Israeli troops, along with armoured vehicles, drones and bulldozers, on Wednesday launched simultaneous raids in Jenin, Tulkarem and Tubas. The Palestinian Health Ministry said an “elderly man” was killed in Jenin, without specifying his age, bringing the total death toll from the military raids to 20. The Israeli army maintains its goal is to target armed groups in the West Bank and to prevent future attacks. It claims to have killed 20 Palestinian fighters and arrested 17. Hamas said at least 10 of those killed were its fighters. Palestinian residents say that the trail of destruction left behind by the military incursion – which has destroyed infrastructure, roads, water and electricity facilities – suggests that the army’s goal is to make the territory inhabitable and push Palestinians out of their homes. “Israel’s plans involve annexing Palestinian land, ultimately over time getting rid of the Palestinian po[CENSORED]tion and ethnically cleansing the West Bank and Gaza,” Mohamad Elmasry, a professor at the Doha Institute for Graduate Studies, told Al Jazeera. Israel has been emboldened by the lack of response from the United States for its ongoing war in Gaza, he said. “So if it can get away with it there, why [would Israel] not in the West Bank?” Two attacks in illegal settlements In the south of the West Bank, tensions ratcheted up after Israeli soldiers shot dead two Palestinians suspected of attempting to attack Israelis in two separate incidents late on Friday. The army said in a statement that troops responding to a vehicle catching fire and exploding at a gas station in the southern Gush Etzion junction killed a suspected assailant “who exited the vehicle and attempted to attack” the soldiers. In a second incident, assailants rammed a car into the gates leading into the illegal settlement of Karmei Tzur and infiltrated the area. One assailant was killed. Security forces have been dispatched to the area in search of other assailants, the army said. Israel’s Magen David Adom rescue service said it was treating three people for moderate and light injuries. Two of them were injured by gunfire at Gush Etzion Junction and a third was injured when his vehicle collided with that of the assailants, the rescue service said. Al Jazeera’s Odeh said the situation in Hebron – the largest district of the territory where about one million people live – was particularly tense, as Israeli forces set up several checkpoint. The continuing raids are the largest and most violent since the start of Israel’s war on Gaza. The parallel conflict unfolding in the West Bank has killed about 600 Palestinians, according to figures from the United Nations Humanitarian Affairs office. The number of detentions since the beginning of the West Bank assault has risen to about 70, according to the Palestinian Prisoner’s Society and the Commission of Detainees and Ex-Detainees Affairs. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/8/31/israeli-soldiers-besiege-jenin-as-assault-on-west-bank-enters-fourth-day

A Palestinian woman reacts as she walks on a street damaged by the Israeli army in Nur Shams refugee camp near Tulkarem on August 28, 2024 [Jaafar Ashtiyeh/AFP] Israel’s assault on refugee camps in the occupied West Bank has dominated headlines. Israel has killed at least 20 people since it launched its attacks on the towns and refugee camps at Jenin, Nablus, Tubas and Tulkarem overnight on Wednesday. What’s the occupied West Bank? Who are the refugees there? The occupied West Bank is part of historical Palestine on the west bank of the Jordan River, it measures 5,650sq km (2,180sq miles) of landlocked territory surrounded by Israel, Jordan, and the Dead Sea. Approximately three million Palestinians live there, alongside an increasing number of Israelis who built illegal settlements and outposts on land taken by force from Palestinian families. The West Bank has some 871,000 registered refugees, a quarter of whom live in 19 refugee camps, descendants of the Palestinians ethnically cleansed from their homes and lands to make way for the creation of Israel in the Nakba of 1948. What does it have to do with Gaza? The occupied West Bank and Gaza are both parts of Palestine but are separated from each other by the state of Israel. Both Gaza and the West Bank were occupied by Israel in 1967 and remained so for decades, until Israel pulled out of Gaza in 2005. Israel is still attacking Gaza, and has killed more than 40,000 people and injured nearly 100,000. The tactics Israel is using in Gaza have been referenced by some Israeli ministers who have demanded that the same be done in the occupied West Bank assaults, including forcing people out of their homes to clear certain areas. What does it mean that the West Bank is ‘occupied’? In the 1967 war, Israel took the land earmarked by the UN as part of a future Palestinian state from caretaker Jordan. Even with the establishment of the Palestinian Authority after the Olso Accords, the Israeli army operates unchecked and effectively controls the territory and still controls several essential administrative and governmental functions. At the end of the day, Palestinians do not even control their own land. The Israeli settlement of Efrata, built on the ruins of the Palestinian town of al-Khader, on March 6, 2024 [Hazem Bader/AFP] In theory, the limits of Israel’s occupation of the West Bank should be regulated by international law. Under the 1949 Geneva Convention, the transfer of all or part of an occupying po[CENSORED]tion onto territory it has seized – like Israelis building settlements on Palestinian land – is illegal. In 2004 and 2016 respectively, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the UN Security Council said the construction of Israeli settlements in the West Bank is illegal. In July of this year, the ICJ again ruled that the Israeli presence in the West Bank was unlawful and should come to an end “as rapidly as possible”. So, is construction of new settlements over? Not in the least. While settlement construction was fairly slow until the 1980s, it has surged since, with hundreds of new settlements and outposts established. Before October 7, more than 700,000 Israelis lived in the West Bank across more than 150 illegal settlements and numerous outposts Numbers have increased dramatically after October 7. According to Israel, the settlements are necessary for security, serving as a buffer against hostile Arab states, in addition to Iran. Israel also says the Oslo Accords do not explicitly ban settlement in all areas and that some are allowed under the terms of the agreement. Israeli settlers also claim the biblical Jewish territories of Samaria and Judea, both in the modern-day West Bank, using religious justifications to take Palestinian land. How have West Bank Palestinians responded to the occupation? Tens of thousands of Palestinians have been killed during Israel’s occupation of the West Bank. Displacement, dispossession, lack of rights, economic hardships and military control over daily life have fanned Palestinian anger. However, the continued systematic confiscation of land for the construction of Israeli settlements has caused the most outrage. Have the Palestinians revolted? There have been two Intifadas (uprisings) against the Israeli occupation. The first Intifada, 1987-1993, began with protests and demonstrations, including stone-throwing and civil disobedience, before escalating into widespread revolt. Israel’s military response – curfews, mass arrests, and the use of live ammunition and tear gas -, exacerbated the situation and drew international criticism. Israel killed some 1,000 Palestinians, approximately 250 of whom were children. There were 160 Israelis killed in the fighting. The second Intifada, 2000 to 2005, was triggered by then-Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon’s provocative visit to the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound. A mural of late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat on the Israeli separation barrier at the Qalandiya checkpoint on August 24, 2011, in Ramallah [Christopher Furlong/Getty Images] Demonstrations and stone-throwing swiftly descended into violence as Israel responded with overwhelming force. About 3,000 Palestinians and more than 1,000 Israelis, as well as 64 foreign nationals, were killed. Israel’s response – extensive military operations, targeted assassinations, and large-scale incursions – was heavily criticised by international bodies and rights groups. What’s life like in the West Bank today? Checkpoints and other restrictions on movement are among the daily challenges that affect every Palestinian in the West Bank. In refugee camps, overcrowding and poor infrastructure exacerbate the difficulties faced by families whose homes exist often outside of living memory. Israel’s separation barrier, which has fenced in much of the West Bank since construction began in 2002, limits Palestinians’ access to resources and work. The barrier wall was deemed illegal by the ICJ in 2019 and has been cited as evidence of Israeli apartheid policies by rights groups across the globe. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/8/31/why-are-we-always-talking-about-the-west-bank

Nick movie: Chhaava Teaser Time: Maddock Films Netflix / Amazon / HBO: Duration of the movie: 1min Trailer:

Music title: Top 40 Songs Of The Week - September 1, 2024 (UK Singles Chart) Signer: MUSIC CHARTS Release date: 2024/08/24 Official YouTube link:

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The Porsche Cayenne Turbo S E-Hybrid has been downgraded—sort of, but not really. It's now known as the Cayenne Turbo E-Hybrid, ditching the S from the name. While that hints at a potential newcomer to occupy that slot, it's not like the Turbo E-Hybrid has become worse in any way. In fact, with a lower starting price and gobs of additional power, the deal is actually sweeter. When it was known as the Turbo S E-Hybrid, this hopped-up Cayenne paired an electric motor with a twin-turbo V-8 to produce 670 horsepower and 663 pound-feet of torque. As part of a larger refresh for 2024, the Turbo E-Hybrid found some extra scraps of power, boosting net output to 729 horses and 700 pound-feet. For those of you keeping track at home, that's 79 horsepower and 74 pound-feet more than the Cayenne Turbo GT Coupe, although that model lacks e-motivation. What happens when you throw that much power into a 5672-pound SUV? In this case, the answer is magic—angry, white-hot magic. When we tested a 2020 Cayenne Turbo S E-Hybrid, we recorded a 3.2-second rip to 60 mph. With this newfound power under its belt, the 2024 Turbo E-Hybrid managed the same feat in 3.1 seconds, before continuing on to complete the quarter-mile in 11.3 seconds at 124 mph, a 0.2-second and 3-mph improvement. Just for kicks, we recorded a 60-mph run under electric power alone; while it took some careful footwork to keep the V-8 from kicking in, we managed to accomplish this silly sprint in an equally goofy 13.1 seconds. HIGHS: Great V-8 sound, impressive performance, cheaper than its predecessor. The soundtrack from the (standard) valved Sport exhaust is simply delightful; as you lean on the throttle, the 4.0-liter V-8 sounds like a thunderstorm coming over the hills, and every lift of the right foot is met with just the right amount of burbly overrun. Even though the Cayenne Coupe's cabin is well insulated, that eight-pot clamor penetrates all panels, as evidenced by our 83-decibel recording at wide-open throttle. Of course, being a plug-in hybrid, the only way to get that gas engine running all the time is to switch into either Sport or Sport Plus mode, where electric power plays the role of power adder instead of efficiency promoter. In these modes, the gas engine will generate charge for the 21.8-kWh battery, ensuring there's enough e-twist at the ready. And the Turbo E-Hybrid is a bona fide hustler, positively rocketing its way from corner to corner. It's a performer on paper, too, achieving a grippy 0.98 g of stick around the skidpad thanks to aggressive optional Pirelli P Zero Corsa PZC4 tires. Braking is even more sports-car-like, with the Cayenne's 144-foot stopping distance from 70 mph just a foot longer than the last 911 Carrera T we tested. LOWS: Occasionally janky transmission behavior, Porsche's options-heavy cost spiral. Thankfully, the Cayenne Turbo E-Hybrid Coupe's sportier drive modes don't turn the ride into an overly stiff mess. Two-chamber air springs and adaptive dampers offer three different modes—Normal, Sport, and Sport Plus—but all three are suitable for on-road use, although obviously there's a greater deal of chassis communication in the stiffer settings. A few simple touchscreen taps are all it takes to shuffle the variables around, and we found our usual arrangement best for Michigan's questionable pavement (suspension in Normal, powertrain in Sport). While the electric motor sandwiched between the Cayenne's V-8 and eight-speed automatic transmission does a commendable job on the torque-fill front, it also works admirably on its own. On its own, the e-motor produces 174 horsepower and 339 pound-feet of torque, which is enough to allow engine-off operation in typical errand-running. And the battery proved good for 39 miles of range in our 75-mph highway range test. Understandably, the combined powertrain is not overly efficient, ringing in at 22 mpg on our highway fuel economy test after the battery was depleted. The Cayenne's eight-speed automatic might be its weakest point. The electric motor is stuck sending its power through the slushbox, so your serene e-cruising is often punctuated with random head bobs as the ECU rows through the gears. No matter the mode, though, the transmission offered up some annoying herky-jerky movement downshifting to second and first gears under standard deceleration. Fast shifting and hard engagement are fine for spirited driving, but not so much for a trip to the 7-Eleven. Porsche's 2024-model-year Cayenne updates are comprehensive, even without including the trim shuffle and power bump. This mid-cycle refresh brings tweaks to the front and rear fascias, but the cabin received the bulk of the changes. A 12.6-inch digital gauge cluster puts all the relevant data in front of you, while the 12.3-inch touchscreen tackles infotainment duties and is laid out in a way that's easy to master. The center console's armrest cubby isn't very large, but there are plenty of other hidey-holes within reach. And, despite its more [CENSORED]ceous silhouette, the Cayenne Coupe's truncated roofline doesn't really affect adults sitting in the back seat. In a decidedly un-Porsche move, the Cayenne Turbo E-Hybrid is actually less expensive than the less powerful model it replaces. The 2023 Turbo S E-Hybrid Coupe asked an eye-watering $175,250, but the 2024 Turbo E-Hybrid Coupe dropped that down to $153,050 (and the regular, non-coupe body style is cheaper still at $148,550, though both are set to rise by roughly $10K for 2025). Naturally, our test model was loaded to the gills with options, including $1280 for rear-axle steering, $9980 for carbon-ceramic brakes, and $13,510 for the Premium Package Plus and Lightweight Sport package that includes a carbon-fiber roof. All told, our test car rang in at a meaty $190,210. And just like that, the "lower price" has disappeared into thin air. VERDICT: Now we're even more excited for the Turbo S. At its core, the 2024 Porsche Cayenne Turbo E-Hybrid Coupe is a jack of all trades, but hardly a master of none. Its potent electrified powertrain makes quick work of switchbacks and short eco-friendly commutes alike, while the interior continues Porsche's tradition of offering a comfortable, richly appointed space that doesn't suffer from overwrought design. And if this is what the Turbo is like, we're even more excited at what awaits us from a future Cayenne once again wearing the Turbo S badge. https://www.caranddriver.com/reviews/a61972388/2024-porsche-cayenne-turbo-e-hybrid-coupe-test/

More than 30% of graduates aged 21-30 were in non-graduate work or unemployed last year. Photograph: Chris Radburn/PA The job market is so insane right now. I’ve got work experience and internships from the UK, Paris and Hong Kong. I’ve taken courses, networked and am working in an admin job to try to get more skills, after no luck with applications.” Having graduated from the University of Oxford with a first class BA in English and French last year, Emma*, a 23-year-old from London, said she has been on the hunt for a graduate job in publishing and adjacent industries since. She is now sending out five applications a week, alongside a full-time job, and has so far secured just four interviews and an offer of a minimum wage internship – which was retracted. “My parents’ idea of ‘if you work hard, you’ll get what you want’ doesn’t really work any more. The older generations’ expectation that if you’ve got a ‘good degree and good skills you’ll be fine’ is just no longer tenable. I feel like I’m throwing myself at a brick wall.” Emma was one of dozens of recent university leavers from across the UK who shared their struggles to secure their first graduate job, in response to an online call-out by the Guardian. Graduates described “soul-destroying” job hunts in many apparently saturated fields spanning months or even years, companies that had “ghosted” applicants who had completed online assessments or taken months to respond, and being unable to land jobs they felt they were overqualified for. Even respondents who had graduated with a first class degree, often from prestigious universities, and even in subjects such as engineering, computing, cybersecurity or other STEM sectors thought to be crying out for skilled workers, said they had been sending dozens or even hundreds of applications without getting an interview. Although most UK students find jobs not long after leaving university – with 61% of those who graduated in 2022 having gained full-time work 15 months later – many of them will find non-graduate work only: according to the Office for National Statistics, last year just 60.4% of graduates living in England aged 21-30 were in “high-skilled” work, while 26.4% of this group were in medium or low-skilled employment and 5.5% unemployed. About half of the recent graduates who got in touch said they had taken non-graduate jobs in hospitality, retail, administration, call centres, supply teaching or in temporary positions on the minimum wage to keep afloat. Many said that jobs labelled as “entry level” positions usually require at least one, and often several, years of professional experience. Various people reported that they had been unaware how important practical experience was to recruiters, or that they had simply been unable to find a placement in a relevant industry or lacked the funds to support themselves through an unpaid internship, citing the high cost of living as a significant factor. “It’s been really tough,” said a 21-year-old from Suffolk, who has been unable to find graduate work. “I wish I’d known how important placements were – I had to drop my placement year as I couldn’t find any placements to apply to. There were a couple but I couldn’t afford commuting to London to then work for free.” One 25-year-old modern languages and literature graduate from Edinburgh, who is now working in hospitality, after failing to secure a single interview from more than 50 job applications sent in recent months, said: “The competition is extreme. I may have found employment more quickly and easily if I had taken a vocational degree and put my interests to one side.” Of the respondents who had been successful, many said their best advice for students was to contact their university’s careers service, to gain as much practical experience as possible before, during and after their degree, and to pick up additional skills. Noah, 23, a data analyst from Norwich, said he found his £36,000-a-year job because he had taught himself the coding language Python during his international relations and modern history BA, and subsequently applied for graduate schemes at two large software engineering companies. “Although I didn’t necessarily have the skills they expected for a software engineer, Python gave me a bit of an edge, and my now manager picked up that I was easy to get along and work with in a team,” he said. Several respondents from overseas said they had all but given up on the search and were likely to return, or had already returned, home to countries such as Poland and Italy, where they felt they may have better chances. Scores of graduates cited frustrations with time-consuming applications recruiters rarely responded to, and many felt that it mattered more “to know the right people” or to possess insider knowledge than to meet the formal job criteria. Notably, graduates looking for work in the arts, design and humanities said they had found it impossible to find graduate work without connections. Gabriel, 25, a history and English graduate from London, sent 500 applications and, after being rejected from more than 20 internships for being “overqualified”, he finally landed a £25,000-a-year admin job thanks to “secondhand nepotism”, he said. “It’s all based on referrals,” Gabriel said. “There’s just too many people looking for entry-level jobs.” Despite recruiters’ claims that there is strong demand for highly skilled workers, employers on average received 86 applications for each graduate vacancy in 2023, up 23% on the previous year, according to a report by the Institute of Student Employers. Yet, 54% of employers told the survey that they found it difficult to recruit at least one of their graduate roles – an 11% increase – suggesting that there is an oversupply of graduate workers lacking relevant skills. Employers also appear reluctant to take on or train young staff amid a fragile economic climate. Total UK employer investment in skills has been in steep decline, having fallen 19% for each employee, in real terms, between 2011 and 2022. There have been even sharper declines in larger businesses (-35%) and primary (-44%), and public (-38%) service sectors, leading to an underequipped workforce and employers struggling to fill vacancies, despite steady growth in graduate numbers. With graduate jobs increasingly concentrated in London, 42% of university-educated workers outside the city now work in a job that does not require a degree, up from 31% in 1993. The share is highest in Lincolnshire and Cumbria, where more than half of graduates work in non-graduate jobs (58% and 52%), according to the Institute for Fiscal Studies. Some of those respondents whose parents lived in London said they were able to stay with them while job hunting, while others reported having to return to their home towns as they lacked the funds to search for graduate work in bigger cities. A number of people said they had, in desperation, enrolled in master’s degrees or even PhDs because they had been unable to find gainful employment after graduation. Several respondents said they had big concerns about potentially discriminatory AI tools aiding recruiters in their selection of candidates, and many complained about having to film awkward video interviews that did not allow them to present themselves naturally. Joshua Morgan, 30, from Tarbolton, South Ayrshire, who managed to find a job as a power systems consultant, said he is very happy after graduating with an MSc in renewable energy systems technology last year, but he is concerned that the recruitment systems he encountered were “geared so much against people coming in”. Joshua Morgan said finding a graduate job was ‘so much harder now’. Photograph: Joshua Morgan/Guardian Community “Getting through that initial sift is so much harder now than it was. Amazing people from my course are still looking [for jobs] because automatic filters don’t allow people to show you their worth,” he said. “I applied to 150 jobs over several months with a 10% success rate for interviewing. Just sending that many tailored CVs and cover letters into a void is soul-destroying and I’m one of the lucky ones who landed a job in the industry I wanted in a relatively small amount of time.” Application processes for graduate schemes in particular had been, in his experience, “hostile, impersonal and condescending”. He added: “Employers know they have a lot of choice and many treat you poorly in the application process because of it. It’s very depressing.” *Name has been changed https://www.theguardian.com/money/article/2024/aug/29/uk-graduates-struggle-job-market