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USA US, more polarized than ever after midterm elections


Blexfraptor
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In the months leading up to the mid-term elections in the US UU Much was said about a 'blue wave', in reference to the expected progress of the Democratic Party both in Congress and at the level of the governorates in the country.

Last Tuesday, that tidal wave touched land, confirming most of the forecasts: not only did they regain control of the House of Representatives after eight years of abstinence, but at least eight governorships that were in the hands of the Republicans.

However, and almost in the opposite direction, another wave appeared, this time red, which stopped the advance of the opposition in the Senate and in governorates that at moments were within reach.

The Republicans, led by President Donald Trump, not only retained control of the Upper House, but expanded their advantage possibly with three additional seats (in Arizona, Florida and Mississippi is not yet declared winner, but the count favors the Republicans ).

Looked at in detail, the results clearly indicate that the country is more polarized than ever, divided into two blocks of voters that differ not necessarily in ideological terms, but rather by age, race and economic status.

Although votes have not yet been counted in many states, most indicators suggest that the Democrats would have regained some 30 seats in the House that were previously held by Republicans, leaving the balance of power at about 230 seats in front of 205 of its rivals.

But the most interesting thing is that the vast majority of the recovered seats were in districts located in suburbs of large cities where, in general, there is a white po[CENSORED]tion with higher education in areas of New Jersey, Northern Virginia, Philadelphia , Miami and Chicago.

Even in suburbs of states that tend to be inclined by Republicans, something contradictory because, by tradition, this group of people has been one of the strengths of the elephant party.

To put it in context, if in the 2014 elections nearly 60 percent of whites with higher education voted for Republican candidates, in 2018 that number is for Democrats. Most of the exit polls suggest that the turn was caused by the rejection of this group to President Trump.

In parallel, the white vote without higher education turned almost in equal proportion towards the party of the president. And it was precisely for them that he managed to keep his seats in the Senate and snatch seats from the opposition, since almost all belonged to very conservative states such as North Dakota and Indiana.

The elections also corroborated other trends. In general, Democrats were more po[CENSORED]r among people living in urban centers, with higher incomes and education, youth, minorities and women.
Eighty percent of the new seats captured by Democrats were in districts where both income and education are above the national average.
 

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The same is happening with women (57 percent for Democrats vs. 43 percent Republicans) and minorities. The figure among Hispanics is 69 percent vs. 29 percent; among Asians is 77 percent vs. 23 percent, and among African-Americans it's 88 percent vs. 10 percent.

In other words, EE. UU Today it is divided into a better-educated urban po[CENSORED]tion composed of young people and minorities, compared to an older, lower-income and very religious rural class.

According to Elaine Kammarck, a policy expert at the Brookings Institute, although some of these trends have already been appearing in the last decade, Trump's rise to power has exacerbated them.

"Trump has forced a movement of the Republican party to the right, practically eliminating the moderates, who today are like a species in danger of extinction," says Kammarack.

In fact, most of those who lost in these elections were moderate trying to survive in areas that have become Democrats in opposition to Trump.
But, instead of recognizing it, the president attacked them for taking distance. "There were some who did not want me to approach their campaigns. And they did very badly. I do not know if I'm happy or sad, but I do not care, "Trump said the day after the election.

Most likely, in addition, these divisions will continue to grow from now on and are likely to erupt during the campaign for the 2020 presidency. First, because the arrival of Democrats in the House of Representatives promises a new era of confrontation with a president who seems at ease when he is on the defensive.

And secondly, Kammarack says, because Trump is convinced that his winning formula, which encourages the vote of his base, is inflammatory speech and anti-immigrant rhetoric.

The picture is black for a country with tempers already heated and whose fracture seems at times irreconcilable.
 

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