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https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-scotland-scotland-politics-58464674 Nicola Sturgeon is to set out the Scottish government's plans for the year to come at Holyrood. The first minister will announce her "programme for government" of upcoming legislation in a speech to MSPs. This is likely to include new bills supporting the key themes of the SNP's power-sharing deal with the Greens. That agreement includes pledges to reform the Gender Recognition Act, set up a National Care Service, and to hold a new referendum on independence. Opposition parties will also have a chance to set out their proposals for the year to come, with two days of debate scheduled at Holyrood. SNP-Green deal 'a leap of faith' - Sturgeon Scottish Green co-leaders given ministerial roles With Holyrood back in session after its summer recess, the first minister will set out her legislative plans for the year ahead. It will detail how she plans to deliver on the pledges made in May's Holyrood election campaign, and in the co-operation agreement signed between the SNP and the Greens over the summer. Ms Sturgeon has previously highlighted the economic and social recovery from the Covid-19 pandemic, tackling climate change and holding a fresh referendum on independence as the major challenges of the coming term. And she said on Tuesday that a "new vision for health and social care services" would be a central theme, including enhanced childcare provision. She added: "As we rebuild our society, we will ensure the sacrifices we have all made will find purpose in the fairer, more just, prosperous, and equal Scotland that we create in response." The policy programme agreed by the SNP and Greens as part of their power-sharing deal offers a range of insights into the legislation likely to be announced by Ms Sturgeon on Tuesday. It commits the government to bringing forward legislation to reform the Gender Recognition Act to make it easier for trans people to change their legally-recognised gender "in the first year of this parliamentary session". Ministers have already carried out a series of consultations on what has become a fiercely-debated topic, which means a bill could be tabled in short order. The government has also already published a one-page draft bill seeking to pave the way for a new independence referendum, another "key strand" of the power-sharing arrangement. This may also be put forward for debate at Holyrood inside the next year, with Ms Sturgeon hoping to hold a referendum in the first half of the five-year parliamentary term. The SNP had already pledged to draw up legislation to establish a National Care Service within the first year of term, and have also promised to replace the Scottish Qualifications Authority with a new agency overseeing the schools curriculum. The SNP-Green deal also commits the parties to a range of other measures, including: "World-leading" human rights legislation enshrining a range of international treaties into Scots law; A "Good Food Nation" Bill; Legislation to transition to zero-emissions heating in Scotland's homes; A Community Wealth Building Bill, aimed at supporting local economies; A bill banning conversion therapy as comprehensively as possible within devolved powers; Electoral reform legislation that enables more people to stand as candidates for Holyrood and Scottish councils. However, it is not known if these will be included in the legislative timetable for the year to come, or if some measures will be rolled out later in the term. The power-sharing partners have also pledged to introduce a national system of rent controls, but legislation may be some way off as they have only committed to implementing this by the end of 2025. They have said a Housing Bill will be brought forward in the second year of the parliamentary term, while a Natural Environment Bill aimed at protecting biodiversity and nature will follow in the third year of term. A Circular Economy Bill will be introduced "later in this parliamentary session", while a Land Reform Bill focused on land ownership will be tabled in 2023 - alongside legislation to replace the Common Agricultural Policy system of farm subsidies.

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-58461751 Six minor girls in central India were stripped and paraded naked as part of a village ritual to summon rains. The incident took place in a drought-parched village in the Bundelkhand region of Madhya Pradesh state. Videos that went viral on social media reportedly showed young girls walking naked with a wooden shaft on their shoulders which had a frog tied to it. Locals believe the ritual will appease the rain god and bring rainfall to the region. India's National Commission for Protection of Child Rights has sought a report from the administration of Damoh district, where the village is located. The Madhya Pradesh police said they had not received any formal complaint against the event, but added that they had opened an investigation. "Action will be taken if we find the girls were forced to walk naked," Damoh superintendent of police DR Teniwar told news agency Press Trust of India. The video shows the girls, some of them reported to be as young as five, walking together in a procession, followed by a group of women singing hymns. Indian woman paraded naked on donkey Indian gang rape victim faces 'purification ritual' Stripped for standing up to 'period-phobic' college The procession stopped at every house in the village and the children collected foodgrains, which were later donated to the community kitchen of a local temple. "We believe that this will bring rains," PTI quoted a women in the procession as saying. Damoh district collector S Krishna Chaitanya said the girls' parents had consented to the ritual and had even participated in it. "In such cases, the administration can only make the villagers aware about the futility of such superstition and make them understand that such practices don't yield desired results," he added. Indian agriculture largely depends on monsoon rains and in many regions, there are rituals devoted to rain gods depending upon local customs and traditions. Some communities hold yagnas (Hindu fire rituals), others marry frogs or donkeys or take out processions singing songs in praise of the rain gods. Cynics say the rituals merely distract ordinary people from hardship, but cultural experts say the practices are a measure of desperation in those who believe there is nowhere else to turn for help. Presentational grey line

When Land Rover launched the second-generation Range Rover Sport to the world’s automotive media, it did so with a lap of Wales and the Cotswolds, a spot of off-roading, a sprint through the woods along a gravel rally stage and – for no better reason than the decommissioned Boeing 747 sitting about and being put to no better use – a low-speed crawl through an old Jumbo Jet. We drove up one steep steel ramp and into the plane’s fuselage, before inching tentatively along its length and dropping out of the nose down another sharply inclined ramp. Launch routes don’t get any more memorable. Everything was for a reason, though, because while the full-size L405 Range Rover that arrived a few months earlier would have felt unwieldy on those very narrow Welsh B-roads, far too heavy and much too tall for the quick dash along the rally track (which had no speed limits whatsoever) and very probably wouldn’t have fitted inside the 747 at all, the smaller and more athletic Range Rover Sport felt right at home throughout. The message was clear: for those buyers who neither wanted nor needed anything as sizeable as a Range Rover, the alternative could be found just one door along. That was in 2013. Six years later, the Range Rover Sport serves much the same purpose, being very nearly as luxurious as a Range Rover, almost as grand and just about as capable off road, but also nimbler, easier to manoeuvre and much more usable in town. What’s changed in that time is the money you’ll pay to put one on your driveway. When it was new, even the entry-level SE model with the least powerful engine in the range, a 255bhp turbodiesel V6, cost £60,000. Today, Land Rover dealerships are awash with used cars costing half that. With 50% of their original purchase price wiped off their values already, these cars will only depreciate at a gradual rate from now on. Spend closer to £40,000 and you’ll pick up a 334bhp V8 diesel model in plush HSE Autobiography Dynamic trim, a car that would have cost more than £80,000 at launch. The L494 Range Rover Sport was an enormous improvement over the original model with better ride and handling, a far superior automatic gearbox, a more modern interior and fresher styling. Whereas the first Range Rover Sport shared its underpinnings with the Land Rover Discovery and so was a Range Rover in name only, the second-generation Sport does actually use the same platform as the top-of-the-line Rangie. Mostly aluminium, it means the newer model is close to 200kg lighter than the old one.

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I know. There are two cars here that, on the face of it, don’t have a huge amount in common, bar the fact they’re designed for drivers. One, a new Toyota GR Yaris, is a hot supermini; the other, a 2007 Audi R8, is a supercar. One seats four people, the other just two. One has its engine in the front, the other in its middle. Conceptually, practically and from a packaging point of view, they’re as diverse as the market gets. City-sized hatchback to supercar is as broad as they come. But there’s more that links them than just that: at 14 years apart, they now meet on price. One, for example, came from the unlikeliest of sources. It’s a four-wheel-drive rocket ship that just so happens to be one of the best-handling cars of its generation. With an extraordinary blend of dynamism, suppleness, visibility and usability, it draws on a bespoke architecture and advanced materials to shake up its class at a relatively bargain price. And the other? Well, read that back. I don’t know how likely it is that you would be considering one or the other today. Anecdotally, our inbox and the “should I get x or y…” emails it receives suggests that it’s a real possibility. Say there’s already a practical car on your drive and now, perhaps more than ever, it feels like the time to buy something analogue and old-school to sit alongside it. Something that feels special, manual and involving but is still secure, can be used all year round and comes with the sort of integrity that you expect from a big manufacturer. The list is actually quite broad and would bear no resemblance to most magazine group tests: a new Alpine A110 or an old Porsche 911, a new Porsche 718 Cayman or an old Aston Martin Vantage, or, ahem, a brand-new GR Yaris or a Mk1 R8. Anything, really, that makes popping out for milk and the papers on a Sunday morning a lengthier drive than it strictly needs to be. This story is part of a wider feature that sees new cars go up against used alternatives. You can read the rest here And so to these two. This GR Yaris arrives in pearlescent red and with the Circuit Pack that seems to be a go-to box tick, so it’s as expensive as you can make it, at £34,400 (£34,425 if you add a warning triangle and first aid kit). I don’t imagine many people transfer the whole amount to a dealer in one lump: a long waiting list and strong residual values mean you can get one on pretty low monthly finance payments. The same mid-30s amount gets you into an early R8, a car we loved so much when it was new that it won our Best Driver’s Car shootout in 2007. Search the classifieds and you will see a handful of these manual 4.2-litre V8 models from around £33,000, typically with 60,000 miles on them. When new, the R8 was a £76,000 car. It made 415bhp, 70% of which went to its rear wheels, and weighed 1565kg. Standard kit included leather seats, xenon headlights and 19in alloys. An adaptive ‘magnetic ride’ damping system was optional and is fitted to the car we’ve borrowed. R8s are generally dependable. Their interiors don’t wear their age brilliantly (this one is getting shiny in places and the infotainment system now looks dated), but the mechanicals are strong. If you’re buying or running one, listen for bad noises from the bottom end of the engine, and check oil hoses, which can perish, while the radiators can leak at the seams. That so much of the R8 is aluminium means anything steel attached to that will corrode more quickly. Suspension fixings can rust and seize. And if the magnetic ride systems fail, you might as well replace them with decent passive coilovers instead. R8s are also sensitive to worn tyres, bushes and bad alignment. But by most supercar standards, they’re reliable and easy to run, and you can still pick up servicing and warranty packages from specialists for extra peace of mind.

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-58437713 "Why are you travelling without a mahram?" the Taliban guard asks a young Afghan woman about her missing male escort. She sits on her own in the back of a beat-up Kabul yellow taxi as it pulls up to the checkpoint marked, like all the others, by the white Taliban flag with black script. What is allowed now in Kabul, and what is not? The turbaned Talib, rifle slung over shoulder, tells her to call her husband. When she explains she doesn't have a phone, he instructs another taxi driver to take her home to get her husband and bring them back. Once completed, all is resolved. Kabul is still a city of a grinding traffic gridlock, wooden market carts groaning with Afghan green grapes and deep purple plums, and street kids in tattered tunics threading through the melee. On the surface, the city seems much the same. It's not. It's a capital governed by Taliban statements, and some Taliban on the streets. "Be careful in how you deal with your people. This nation has suffered a lot. Be gentle," urged spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid in an impromptu press conference, flanked by fighters in full combat gear, the first day after the last US soldier flew home. Some things don't need saying. As soon as the Taliban swept, with surprising speed, into Kabul last month, Afghans knew what to do during Taliban rule 2.0. Men stopped shaving to allow beards to grow; women switched bright scarves to black ones and checked the length of their dresses and cloaks. So much else is uncertain, unnerving. 'Dreams destroyed' "What should I do?" many Afghans ask in urgent cries for advice, and assistance to escape, tumbling by the hour onto my phone and computer, and those of countless others around the world. Maryam Rajaee knew what to do when Kabul collapsed. On 15 August, as Taliban fighters surged into the streets, she was conducting a long- awaited workshop for female prosecutors in the attorney general's office. "We must continue," her eager students implored her when she flagged the looming threat. But her class soon resigned itself to this sudden reversal. Since then, Rajaee has been moving from one safe house to the next with her family including two young children. Her three-year-old daughter, Nilofar, already says she wants to be an engineer; her multi-coloured plastic building blocks sit in the corner of a mud-brick room, a late summer sun streams through the windows. No one is quite sure yet what Taliban leaders mean when they say women and girls will be given "all their rights within Islam". Many women, including Rajaee, were told in no uncertain terms, "don't come back to the office". Many fear they'll never be allowed to return to the life they lived in a city they no longer feel is their own. "It is my right to be educated, to have a good job, to participate in society at a high level," Rajaee tells us as she sits next to a pile of textbooks for her university degree, and her work heading a unit on gender and human rights awareness. "All my dreams have been destroyed," she reflects, her voice breaking. Contractors left behind Two decades of international engagement created a space for new ideas, new identities. Now some lives lived are a liability. "I have good memories of our Christmas parties, of times we cooked delicious food and we were all so happy," reminisces Hameed, who'd been a head chef at the British embassy in Kabul for 13 years. We sit cross-legged on a carpet with his five young children, and a pile of faded photographs and certificates of appreciation for his work. But Hameed, and some 60 other employees at the embassy were hired through a private contractor. Sources say almost all of the staff directly employed by Britain's foreign office managed to fly out of Kabul before Taliban moved in; contractors were left behind. "We worked so hard, even during the Covid lockdown. If they don't take us out of here, it is a big betrayal," laments Hameed. Britain, like some other Western countries, is promising to find ways to help, in third countries, but for many it's a daunting and dangerous prospect to find new routes out. A chat with the Taliban Some have already fled from this city in haste; some now happily rush in. Taliban fighters stream into Kabul from the provinces. A group from Uruzgan, in central Afghanistan, invite us for a chat as we approach the entrance to Kabul airport. "I haven't been able to visit Kabul for years," says 25-year-old Rafiullah, effusive about his "great happiness". Asked about the many educated Afghans his own age who feel their future has disappeared, he waves an olive branch. "We are all Afghans and the country is now moving toward a good path of peace and prosperity." In some neighbourhoods, Taliban fighters go house-to-house. There's a knock on the door, a demand to hand over government phones and cars, anything of value from their old job. Sometimes even private cars are seized by Taliban who doubt it could have been afforded without some kind of corruption. In western Kabul, in neighbourhoods like Dasht-e-Barchi, po[CENSORED]ted largely by members of the minority Hazara community, residents whisper of house searches, of men being taken away. "I'm scared," says one woman who travels into the centre of the city for her job. "We are telling the Taliban we are our family's only source of income and we have to go to work." 'Is this real?' In the heart of Kabul, the queues in front of the banks stretch all the way down the street. Most branches are shut; most have no money. "It's been a week I have been coming every day to get some money," declares one man in the bulging crowd. "This is a new start just to go backwards." From rural areas, far from this city in so many ways, come comments of relief that American warplanes have finally left the skies, that fighting has gone. For millions of Afghans who live with deepening hunger and hardship, life hasn't changed one jot in their struggle just to survive. In this time between the collapse of the old order and the creation of the new, many take each day, as it comes. "Is this history, is this real, I can't believe my eyes what I am seeing," says freelance Afghan journalist Ahmed Mangli when we meet by Kabul airport. We talk in a district strewn with rubbish and luggage abandoned during the scramble to board the last military flights during the unprecedented international airlift. Mangli first started working in Kabul when the Taliban were ousted 20 years ago. "The Taliban spokesman is trying to co-ordinate media but everyone has a weapon, everyone feels they are king," he reflects. "I don't know how long I can take this risk but I want to be part of this history." Kabul make-up artist: 'Women like me are Taliban targets' The two countries throwing a lifeline to the Taliban Panjshir - the valley trying to hold off the Taliban A historic moment unfolds; a historic past is being undone. Billboards with beaming brides in glittering white gowns and racy red lipstick are now being blacked out. The sweeping street murals of the Art Lords team - which told stories of courageous journalists, committed doctors, a yearning for peace after so much war - are being painted over. The first to go was an image, starkly painted in black and white, to mark the signing of a deal last year in Doha between the Taliban and the United States. A people of poets now struggles to find words. An old friend, Masood Khalili, who's fought on so many fronts over so many years, sends me some verse. "Last night the Writer of Fate whispered in my ear, Our Book of Destiny is filled with smiles and tears."

https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-northern-ireland-58450393 The UK does not want to "sweep away" the Northern Ireland Protocol but the deal risks creating "cold mistrust" with the European Union, the UK's Brexit minister has said. Lord Frost repeated calls for Brussels to accept a "substantial and significant change" to the deal. The protocol keeps Northern Ireland in the EU's single market for goods. It prevents a hard border with Ireland but some products need to be checked as they arrive from Great Britain. Not all the checks have been implemented due to what are known as grace periods. What next for the Northern Ireland Protocol? Unionist parties have expressed opposition to the protocol, arguing it has damaged east-west trade and harms the union. On Tuesday, DUP Economy Minister Gordon Lyons called for further delays to Irish Sea border checks. 'Holding back potential' Speaking at the British-Irish Association conference in Oxford, Lord Frost said: "The stakes are high. The arguments can be bitter. "And I worry this process is capable of generating a sort of cold mistrust between us and the EU which could spread across the relationship. "It's holding back the potential for a new era of co-operation between like-minded states in a world which needs us to work together effectively." The Conservative peer reiterated the UK's position that the "threshold" for triggering Article 16 to effectively tear up parts of protocol has been met. But he added: "Some would like us to sweep all the existing arrangements away. That is not our position. "It is obvious there will always need to be a dedicated UK-EU treaty relationship covering Northern Ireland. It is a question of finding the right balance." Problems down the line Grace periods mean that the introduction of all checks and controls on businesses have not yet been fully implemented. It is to allow industry more time to adapt and prepare. Some significant grace periods are due to expire on 1 October, and at that point some Great Britain-made meat products would be prohibited in Northern Ireland - what has become known as "the sausage ban". Another protocol grace period is due to end in January, which could potentially affect the importation of medicines to Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland gets most of its medicines from distributors in Great Britain, but is still covered by EU medicines rules. The health department has been notified 910 medicines are due to be withdrawn, with a further 2,400 are at risk. It is the deal agreed by the UK and EU to prevent a hard border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland after Brexit. It does this by keeping Northern Ireland in the EU's single market for goods. This means goods don't have to checked as they cross the Irish border, instead some checks and controls are required on goods entering Northern Ireland from the rest of the UK. This has caused difficulties for some businesses and is opposed by unionist parties in Northern Ireland, which say it undermines Northern Ireland's constitutional position as part of the UK. In July the UK published a "command paper" proposing radical changes to the protocol but the EU says it will not renegotiate.

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